40 Salt Satyagraha and Civil Disobedience Movement

D. Subramanyam Reddy

1. Introduction

The withdrawal of the Non-Cooperation Movement in February 1922 caused frustration among most of the Congressmen. To keep up the spirit of resistance Motilal Nehru, C.R. Das, V.J. Patel, Hakim Ajmal Khan and some others desired ending of the boycott of the Legislative Councils, and entry of the Councils as an extension of the Non-Cooperation Movement to the Councils. Such people came to be known as ‘Pro-Changers’. But, Vallabhai Patel, C. Rajagopalachari, Rajendra Prasad, M.A. Ansari, Kasturi Ranga Ayyangar and others opposed council–entry as it weakens national fervor and violates the principle and spirit of Non-Cooperation, and therefore desired continuation of the constructive programmes of spinning, temperance, Hindu-Muslim unity and eradication of untouchability. Such people came to be known as ‘No-Changers’. With the exception of a few, majority of the Congressmen supported boycott of Councils and concentrated on the constructive activity.

Similarly, the seeds of communalism sown by the British during the uprising of 1857 and promoted by them during early 20th century, as part of their divide and rule policy, ultimately resulted in distrust between the Hindus and Muslims and then fired by the municipal, provincial and central politics and elections, caused communal riots in many parts of India. There were about 200 incidents in the country during 1922-26 alone.

While these things were taking place the no-changers carried on the constructive work such as promotion of Khadi and spinning, national education, Hindu-Muslim unity, the struggle against untouchability, boycott of foreign cloth, establishment of Ashrams, practical training in khadi to political cadres, working among the lower castes and the tribals etc., and brought much needed relief to the poor and even acted as the steel frame of the nationalist movement in its Satyagraha phase. People like Jamnalal Bajaj, member of the All India Khadi Board, in fact, visited places like Vijayawada in the present Andhra Pradesh and said : “the cries of Ghadhiji-ki-jai won’t bring us Swaraj; only spinning daily and wearing Khaddar would take us nearer to our cherished goal”.

In 1929 Gandhi undertook tour of the country, including the south to educate the people to produce and use Khadi. His tour heightened the nationalist feelings in the region. Just as Khaddar movement, the Library Movement also promoted political awareness among the people.

When this was the situation throughout India, the Government of Britain appointed the all-White Simon Commission on November 8th 1927 to report on fitness of India for reforms and further extension of parliamentary democracy. This was resented and call was given for its boycott by the people of India. The Congress met at Madras on December 1927 and resolved to boycott the Commission. The boycott began on February 3, 1928 when Simon landed at Bombay. With the slogan ‘Go Back Simon”, the Congress confronted the Commission wherever they went in India; and hartals, rallies, processions, black-flag demonstrations became common in all places.

The post-Simon Commission incidents such as the award of death sentence to Bhagat Singh, Rajguru, Sukhdev in the Lahore Conspiracy Case, Jatindra Nath Das’s martyrdom after a 64 day hunger strike in jail for reforms in jail, the failure of talks with the Vicery Lord Irwin relating to assurances that India would be granted full dominion status before the Round Table Conference in London etc., also created a profound stir among the people and caused a deep unrest in the minds of the people.

The Congress therefore met at Lahore on December 29, 1929 under the Presidentship of Jawaharlal and resolved on December 31, 1929 to demand for Purna Swaraj or complete independence. And, on the mid-night of December 31, 1929 Jawaharlal, the then President of the Congress came out in a solemn procession to the banks of the Ravi and hoisted the tricolor flag of India’s Independence in the presence of a mammoth gathering. He proclaimed that it would be a “Crime against man and god to submit any longer” to British rule. Thus, the Lahore session changed the Congress creed from dominion status to complete independence. This set the stage for the launching of the Salt Satyagraha and the Civil Disobedience Movement. In fact, the Lahore session authorized the Congress Working Committee to launch the Civil Disobedience Movement. Soon after the Lahore session the Working Committee met on January 2, 1930 and resolved to take steps to implement the Congress resolution of boycott of councils and also to observe January 26, 1930 as the day of Purna Swaraj or complete independence which became the first Independence Day. All this evoked great enthusiasm in the country. The people enthusiastically participated in the celebrations of Purna Swaraj by organizing meetings, processions, unfurling of the national flag at various places and reading out the pledge of complete independence on January 26, 1930.

Encouraged by the popular response to the celebrations of Purna Swaraj, Gandhi felt it a ripe time for action. As a result the Congress Working Committee met at Sabaramati during 14th and 16th February 1930 and passed a resolution authorizing Gandhi to start Civil Disobedience Movement and the same was done by the All India Congress Committee (A.I.C.C.) later. On March 2, 1930 Gandhi wrote to the Viceroy about the decision to start Satyagraha. On Viceroy’s reply Gandhi said “on bended knees, I asked for bred; I have received a stone instead”. Then, Gandhi decided to launch the Civil Disobedience Movement by defying the Salt Laws of the Government at Dandi, thinking that salt being an essential article to all the masses could be roused into action.

On 12th March 1930, Gandhi along with 78 selected followers left the Sabaramati Ashram on foot, reached Dandi on 5th April 1930, after a 241-mile march and on the early morning of 6th April 1930 he walked into the waters of the sea’s, picked up a handful of salt violating the salt law and, thus, inaugurated the Salt Satyagraha and the Civil Disobedience Movement. The salt lifted by Gandhi was sold to the highest bidder for Rs. 1600-00 which went to a public fund. Among the 78 followers of Gandhi in the Dandi March, Yerneni Subramanyam was one from Andhra. This event attracted enormous publicity and the country was electrified. On 9th April 1930 Gandhi formulated a programme for the movement. According to this, every village was to fetch or manufacture contraband salt, women were to picket liquor shops and foreign cloth dealers, the young and old should spin, the students were to leave Government schools and colleges, and the Government servants to resign their jobs and if this was done, Gandhi said that Purna Swaraj would knock at our doors.

The law breaking movement spread like wild fire throughout the country. Naturally, variety of measures was taken up by the Government to suppress all kinds of activities of the freedom fighters. The violation of salt law was followed by arrest of all important leaders, including Jawaharlal Nehru and Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, and excluding Gandhi. Of course, Gandhi was arrested on 4th May 1930 and sent to Yerrawada Central Jail. The movement, however, was carried on by his followers. The arrest of leaders naturally resulted in protests, hartals etc. The Salt Satyagraha period was marked by the participation of women, the youth and even Harijans in the movement. It also had a profound impact on the merchant classes. It helped the promotion of cottage and home-made goods. Picketing of toddy and liquor shops, boycott of foreign goods, promotion of Khaddar and removal of untouchability became main programmes of the Civil Disobedience Movement. The net impact of Swadeshi and Khaddar movement was a remarkable fall in imports of British mill cloth. Other British imports also suffered.

An important development during the period of Civil Disobedience Movement was the reaction of the high-profile public servants against lathi charge on Satyagrahis and firings at Peshawar and other places. For example, Cuttamanchi Ramalinga Reddy, the first Vice-Chancellor of Andhra University (1926-30) who hails from Chittoor district of present Andhra Pradesh resigned his Vice-Chancellorship as a protest against the lathi charge on Satyagrahis — men and women — imprisonment of national leaders, promulagation of 144 Sections during the movement. The impassioned letter that he addressed to the Chancellor, the Governor of Madras reads thus: “I am writing this letter in pain . . . . I feel keenly the struggle that my people . . . . men and women . . . are waging in order to secure a position of equal status with the other Dominions in the Empire . . . The measures taken by the Government to crush the Civil Disobedience Movement are akin to terrorism for which there can be no justification . . . Terrorism aims at reducing people to a state of fear and cowardice and killing their spirit . . . The sacrifices and sufferings of my countrymen and country women make it impossible for me to continue in my present position. I find the Vice-Chancellorship neither a pleasure nor honour in the midst of these agonies . . . I pray that you will exercise your powerful influence in favour of conciliation and an understanding with Mahatma Gandhi”. Later on he struggled for India’s freedom.

The local bodies also extended their support to the Civil Disobedience Movement as in places like Madras Presidency. For this they employed several methods such as:

• The passing of resolutions congratulating persons who have been convicted and sent to jail in connection with the Civil Disobedience campaign and the adjournment of meetings for the same purpose,
• The hoisting of the national flag over buildings belonging to local bodies,
• The issue of instructions to their employees that they should wear Khaddar themselves and conduct propaganda advocating the use of Khaddar,
• The issue of instructions that national songs should be sung daily in the schools under their control and prayers offered therein for leaders of the Civil Disobedience Movement,
• The organization of processions of students carrying the national flag and
• The permission or encouragement of their employees to take part in their Civil Disobedience Movement of their employees to take part in their Civil Disobedience Movement.

For association with the movement, the local bodies had to receive the wrath of the Government. For their involvement in the movement, the Government took stern action against these local bodies and placed them under blacklist. However, it did not deter them from the national movement; instead, it further strengthened the cause for freedom.

Similarly, there was boycott of elections to the Provincial Councils in places like Madras Presidency, in September 1930, which helped the Justice Party to come to power.

The reaction of the Government against the on-going national struggle was full of fire and fury. Ordinances were passed and all sorts of restrictions were imposed. Jails were filled with Congressmen and women. Lathi blows reigned upon the demonstrators. The Government passed a Press Ordinance on April 27, 1930 and replaced the Press Act of 1910. The result was that 67 newspapers and 55 printing presses were closed down. Leaders like Gandhi, Nehru, Azad etc., were imprisoned. Several organizations were banned. Counter-propaganda was taken up by publishing leaflets and financing newspapers supporting the Government. The Congress Working Committee which met on January 21, 1931 estimated “Government imprisoned 75,000 innocent men and women and adopted numerous brutal measures like lathi charges, firing, looting of property, burning of houses, prohibiting meetings and processions and declaring Congress and allied associations as unlawful”. In spite of this, the movement continued with vigour.

The Civil Disobedience Movement came to an end with the release of Gandhi and others on 26 January 1931 and the conclusion of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact of 5 March 1931. The Government stopped all kinds of repressive measures throughout the country and the people resumed all the activities that they took up earlier.

After to Gandhi-Irwin Pact of 5 March 1931 the Congress confined its activities only to peaceful picketing etc. Gandhi also went to England to attend the Second Round Table Conference. Of course, he returned as a disillusioned man on 28 December, 1931. His effort to present the views of the Congress to the new Viceroy Wellingdon also yielded no results. As a result, the Congress Working Committee met on January 1, 1931 and resolved to resume the Civil Disobedience Movement, including non-payment of taxes and thus the second phase of Civil Disobedience Movement began on 4 January 1931. It confined to picketing liquor shops and shops sellings foreign cloth, organizing processions and demonstrations, defying salt laws etc. Naturally, the Government promulgated ordinances to quell the movement. All kinds of associations were banned. Several Congressmen were arrested and sentenced. Gandhi was arrested on 4 January 1932. Nehru, Vallbhai Patel, Sarojini Naidu, Abul Kalam and others were also arrested and jailed. About 80,000 people were arrested in the first four months.

The students also took active part in the Civil Disobedience Movement, in spite of warning that “Pupils of educational institutions should not take part in any form of political activities …” as had happened in Board High School at Kalahasti in the present Chittoor district of Andhra Pradesh.

While these things were going on, though in a low tempo, the Premier of Britain Mc Donald announced on 10 August 1932 the Communal Award or separate electorate for Harijans, treating the Harijans as a minority community and intending to separate them from the Hindus as part of the British divide and rule policy for weakening the national movement. Gandhi resented it and started his fast unto death on 20 September 1932. The news of the fast was spread like a wild fire throughout the country. Everyone, including people belonging to the depressed classes condemned the award, conducted meetings and passed resolutions in favour of joint electorate. Gandhiji’s fast against the award evoked a great excitement in every place. After prolonged negotiations with B.R. Ambedkar and others, a settlement called Poona Pact was arrived at on 24 September 1932. A common electorate of all the Hindus was agreed and 148 seats were reserved for Harijans in the Provincial Legislatures instead of 71 provided for in the Premier’s Award. The Pact was accepted by the British Government. Thereupon, Gandhi broke his fast on 26 September 1932.

But, from November 1933 until July 1934 Gandhi undertook an all-India tour of 12,500 miles traveling across the country mobilizing students, men and women, and even children against untouchability, explaining to the people, the pathetic condition of the Harijans and pleading for efforts to eradicate untouchability, addressing meetings and collecting funds for the Harijan work, but continuously stressing that the Harijan Movement was not a political movement; it was a movement to purify Hinduism and the Hindu society and thus indicating his role in this regard was only that of a social reformer. As part of his tour he visited several places, including the south during December 1933 and January 1934. His Harijan campaign influenced a large number of people. His campaign included a programme of internal reform also by Harijans such as promotion of education, cleanliness and hygiene, giving up of eating beef, taking liquor and eradication of untouchability among themselves. Thus, Gandhi’s contribution to eradication of untouchability was considerable and greater than that of any other Indian leader. Interestingly, in places like Tirupati in the present Andhra Pradesh where the temple of Venkateswar or Balaji exists Gandhi received an assurance from K. Seetharami Reddy, the Commissioner of the Tirumala-Tirupati Devasthanams to the effect that facilities would be provided for the Harijans to ascend the Tirumala Hills on which the temple exists as a first step towards permitting them to enter the shrine themselves.

With Gandhi’s concentration on the Harijan uplift there was a decline in the tempo of the second phase of the Civil Disobedience Movement and after an informal meeting at Poona on 12 July 1933 the mass Civil Disobedience Movement was discontinued; the Congress Working Committee which met at Patna during 18-20 May 1934 decided to suspend the movement from 20th May 1934 and thus the movement came to an end throughout the country.

Summary:

This movement had a greater mass base than the earlier one. It drew into its fold even the peasants, women, students and others. It had even advanced the economic nationalism and promoted social reform particularly among the Harijans.

Web links

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salt_March
• http://www.mkgandhi.org/civil_dis/dandi_march.htm
• http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/salt_satya.htm
• http://www.kamat.com/kalranga/freedom/movements.htm
• https://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/the-indian-independence-struggle-1930-1931/
• http://vle.du.ac.in/mod/book/print.php?id=10583&chapterid=18411
• http://www.importantindia.com/16196/causes-effects-and-significance-of-civil disobediencemovement-in-india/