20 Women in Conflict Zones : A Story from Assam

INTRODUCTION

Insurgencies in the Indian Northeast: An Overview

The position of women in the contexts of conflicts in Assam is best assessed in the framework of numerous insurgencies that have historically mushroomed in the Northeast of India.

These insurgencies in different historical phases had different characteristics. Most prominent among them were:

Pre-18th century insurgencies against invasion by mainland Indian empires.
The insurgencies against British colonial occupation of independent kingdoms like Meitei or Kuki kingdoms and independent Naga and Mizo tribal republics etc.
The insurgencies against annexation with independent mainland India at the time of decolonization by the British.
The insurgencies against Delhi rule.
The insurgencies and mass upsurges for autonomous statehood within the states of Assam or Meghalaya.
Insurgencies by tribes within Assam against rulers who they perceived as forces of Assamese chauvinism/Tribal revolts against non-tribal rulers.
After anti-immigrant and partial autonomy movements like AGP came to power, militant groups like United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) emerged with a maximalist position of total liberation from India when the limited autonomy failed to impress the people with some dramatic results.
Refusal of the governments to reach honourable settlements with the relatively peaceful mass movements opening up spaces for militant groups to emerge.
Resumption of armed activities by splinter militant groups and surrendered militants after the main body of the insurgent groups strike deals with the governments and gain a foothold in the power structure.
Insurgencies by tribal and other ethnic groups against large-scale influx of refugees and migrants which reduced them to the position of minorities in their own traditional homelands—as in Tripura, Bodoland region etc.
There is also an ongoing blame game where several political forces allege that rulers at the State and Centre have instigated some dissident groups to take up arms to undermine and weaken popular governments of rebel movements. This charge is leveled not only by some rival groups and rebel groups but also by some columnists.
The militant groups have nexus with similar insurgent groups in Myanmar and Bangladesh and even of late in Bhutan.
A general culture of extortion, corruption, gun-running and lawlessness and partial and periodical collapse of state authority as well as the traditional tribal authority etc., have made the Northeast a fertile soil for not only the emergence of insurgent groups but also for their sustenance and prolonged existence and continued operation even unrelated to their original objectives. There were Naga, Mizo and Kuki insurgencies even during the British times.

Nagas and Mizos opposed annexation with independent India and launched insurgency movements right from 1947 onwards and later entered into prolonged negotiations with Delhi governments and Naga and Mizo rebel outfits like the Naga National Council and Mizo National Front struck deals with Delhi and participated in elections and came to power at the state level.

Insurgent groups emerged soon after 1947 among Kukis and Meiteis, often fighting against each other, and both fighting against dominant Nagas of neighbouring Nagaland who they accuse of occupying their areas.

The 1960s witnessed the emergence of Tripura tribal militancy against the Bengali settlers as the tribals became a minority in their own land. Armed insurgency groups emerged with greater prominence among Bodos after the autonomy movement under AASU and later AGP came to power in Assam in the 1980s after protracted mass upsurges.

The Autonomous States Demand Committee (ASDC) of Assam achieved a significant victory when they won their demand for an autonomous district council comprising the two districts of Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills and this has led to the emergence of Dima Halam Daogah (DHD), a militant outfit claiming to represent the Dimasa minority tribe in Karbi Anglong, mostly the inhabitants of North Cachar Hills, and the United People’s Democratic Solidarity (UPDS) claming to fight for protecting the interests of Karbi minorities in Dimasa-dominated North Cachar Hills.

Women have played a significant role in these movements to carve out a space for themselves in the movements and insurgencies for self-determination and autonomy and at the same time they have been victims at the receiving end of violence and suffered a lot due to the violence, both by the militant groups as well as the security forces indulging in transgressions.

Militant assertions by women against laws restrictive of their gender rights and liberties and against civil rights violations and excesses by state armed forces have also been recorded, in Assam, Manipur and even in Meghalaya and Tripura.

In this paper, we will focus mainly on women and the conflicts inside the state of Assam.

The Assam Movement : History of Struggle for Self-determination of Various Tribes of Assam, especially Karbis and Bodos

Discussing women’s lives in the conflict zone of Assam presupposes an understanding of the history of insurgency in the North East in general, and Assam in particular. The whole of the North East has been the homeland of various insurgent groups since long. Assam is basically the land of various tribes, each with their own history and culture; they are the daughters and sons of the soil. The historic Assam movement started in 1979 as a result of what they perceived to be the Central Government’s over-centralized character, its neglect and step-motherly attitude towards the North-East. They said that the Indian state had been using the natural resources of this region but it has remained devoid of any development till date. In the meantime, after the 1971 war between East Pakistan and West Pakistan, in which India helped East Pakistan, and Bangladesh was formed, there was a huge influx of Bangladeshis to this region, especially to Assam. It was in 1979, under the leadership of the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) that the six-years-long Assam movement started with civil disobedience. At last, after huge sacrifices of the Assamese people, including women, in 1985 the Assam Accord was signed between the leaders of the movement (AASU and Gana Sangram Parishad) and the Government representatives in presence of the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.

When the AASU movement resorted mainly to forms of mass protests and their movement assumed the form of mass insurgency in 1983, the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), which was an outfit formed in 1979 by rebels dissatisfied with the relatively peaceful protest, opposed the 1985 deal of AASU with the Central government and took to armed activities against the AGP (rechristened AASU) rule. One faction of ULFA has entered into a ceasefire with the Central government and the other faction has been much weakened due to lack of active popular support and counter-insurgency operations of the state agencies.

Since identity issues have been at the core of these struggles, some tribal groups were not satisfied with the peaceful mode of movement and also with the accord. Though Assam is basically the land of indigenous tribes, yet in every sphere, it was the people of Aryan origin, non-tribes who had an upper hand. The indigenous people of this region, who till now had a deep-rooted sense of marginalization, began to develop a sense of being exploited by the non-tribals.

In the past decades, the movements for ethnic autonomy have become stronger. Some people began the struggle for more autonomy within the present administrative setup while others demanded separate land. Though the autonomous districts in Assam have been formed under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian constitution, the ethnic people feel that their aspirations are yet to be addressed.

The Bodos feel that they have been neglected, exploited, alienated and discriminated for decades and the Bodo-inhabited districts of Kokrajhar, Darrang, Lakhimpur and Kamrup are among the least developed. The Bodo peasants were shifting cultivators, who had migrated from one place to another, in search of fertile land, and that is why they were not granted permanent land rights by the British Government during the colonial era. Due to the tremendous growth of population, they gradually lost their land. The Bodos are classified as a plain tribe, and they are demanding separate homeland incorporating territories of western Assam. This demand raises conflicts because many other ethnic groups living in this region claim themselves to be indigenous. With such a complex regional ethnic composition, the struggle continues to raise many complex questions that remain unanswered.

In 1967, the ABSU (All Bodo Students’ Union) was formed. When the Assam movement under the leadership of AASU, began in 1979, the ABSU opposed it. The newly formed Government (Assam Gana Parishad ) did not try to find solutions under the leader of Upendra Nath Brahma. When ABSU failed to bring the other plain tribes for a new united movement, they gave up the vague demand for tribal “home land”, and instead placed the demand of full-fledged state of “Bodo land”.

On February 20, 1993, the Bodo accord was signed between the ABSU, BPAC and the Central and State Governments for the end of armed movement and for establishing the Bodo autonomous district council. As there was confusion over the question of territorial jurisdiction, so the Govt. of Assam unilaterally demarcated and declared the boundary, but both the ABSU and the BPAC rejected it. The militant outfit BLT was formed. Another militant organization NDFBwas also formed. BLT declared unilateral ceasefire in 1999 and on February 10, 2003, a new accord was signed to create “Bodoland Territorial Council” (BTC). NDFB went on fighting an armed struggle for a separate and sovereign Bodo nation. The conflict between NDFB and BLT led to many massacres. In the meantime, Bengalis, Adivasi and Konch Rajbongshis formed separate outfit for their security called the KLO (Kamatapur Liberation Organisation).

Karbi Anglong was created as a district in 1951. One year later it was given the status of Autonomous district council. While the people of Karbi Anglong were demanding an autonomous state, carving out two hill districts of Karbi Angolng and the N C Hills (Dima Hasao), a feeling of betrayal was prevalent. The leaders of Karbi Angolng and N C Hills decided to stay away from forming a separate state, so as not to merge with Meghalaya. In 1986, the ASDC was formed. Due to the existence of Article 244(A) of the Indian Constitution, there was the possibility of creating another state including Karbi Anglong and N C Hills.

The Karbi tribe comprises of 63.36% of total hill tribe population in Assam. In 1989, the ASDC won in the Council election. The organization assured other ethnic groups of Karbi Anglong that their rights would be preserved. Then came the attack on the Hindi-speaking people in 2000 by militant outfit UPDS. In this way violence started in Karbi Anglong.

In March 2004, members of Karbi militia killed six Kuki ginger cultivators, in return the KRA killed 30 Karbi farmers. The UPDS demanded “full restoration of land rights to the tribal traditional authority- The Sarthe, full political security, complete control over the law, order and justice, complete control over the natural and human resources of the territory, complete authority of the all financial and developmental matters (and direct access to the financial and economic authority of India)”1

Though the demand for “Hemprek” – the home land has been going on in the hope for a pristine homeland, yet today after several rounds of ethnic clashes and military operations, the demand for autonomous state has lost its strength.

There are other militant outfits like KPLT, KNV etc. The RNHPF was formed in 2012 for protection of Rengma Nagas from KPLT attack. Their demand is for a regional council for the Rengma Nagas of KA (Karbi Anglong).

Impact on Women’s lives and Role of Women in the Struggle:

“While entire communities suffer the consequence of armed conflict and terrorism, women and girls are particularly affected because of their status in society and their sex.” declares the Fourth World Conference of Women in Beijing.

In any struggle, women play an important role by actively participating in that struggle. They are fearless and militant, and, since Indian freedom struggle there has been enough evidence of the fact. Such movements are made successful by the participation of the masses, and in return most of them face repression from the state machinery, they and their minor daughters are raped in large numbers and even killed. In the conflict areas, women are mostly killed by the militant groups, besides the Army. In such conflict zones, women face trying situations and deep insecurity when their family members are killed either by militants or by state forces; they face a strange situation when the course of their lives is totally changed. In such areas, where the movements of self-determination are going on, women are doubly made sufferers because they make for vulnerable soft targets and also because they lose their husbands, siblings and children.

Women are the symbols of culture in every society. So, on the one hand, they are expected to play an important role in the movement for self-determination. But, on the other hand, they are first targeted by the state as it knows that the defenders of these cultures must be defiled and their self-respect crushed in order to suppress the movements. Rape, torture and harassment form the repressive forces are brought down upon women to restrict their social mobility as well as to destroy the honour of the entire tribes.

While entire civilian populations are affected by and suffer the consequences of armed conflict and terrorism, the impact on women and girls is far worse because of their low status in a patriarchal society. They suffer disproportionately more due to displacement, loss of home and property, and loss of close relatives, and face poverty and separation, sexual slavery, rape, along with long socio-economic and psychological trauma.

Like other regions of armed conflict, in Assam also women are seen in various roles, which have different impact on their lives. They suffer atrocities at the hands of the State, being relatives of armed activists; at the same time, they face atrocities at the hands of the militants, being close relatives of armed personnel or Government officers. In time of different movements for self-determination the militants take shelter in the houses of the villagers, and as a consequence, the members of the family, mainly the women members face physical and mental harassment from the state forces despite their innocence. During the Assam Movement, especially during the 1990s, many such incidents occurred. In most cases serious psychological impact was seen on the victims, as rape is perceived as a crime against the honour of the tribe or morality of the family. The victim is often viewed by the community as ‘defiled’ or ‘spoiled’, and in many cases she is even socially boycotted.

When the normal social and economic life is disturbed, there are constant threats and anxiety of living in an atmosphere of oppression and fear. The loss of traditional support bases leads to serious consequences, when women are alienated from family and society. They land up in prostitution, human trafficking etc. Another impact is that since rape is seen as an act of dishonor, not merely as violation of human rights , such a situation leads to restriction on women’s mobility; assertion of ethnicity is over exaggerated and imposed through brute force and patriarchal and fundamentalist values and ideologies are reinforced. Due to the lack of sympathy and dearth of Government schemes or provisions for the widows, mothers and wives of the ‘missing’ people, they are faced with heavy economic burdens.

Women are also targeted by the insurgent groups now and then. A girl, Rashmi Bora of Nagaon District was killed by ULFA in the later part of 90s as she was suspected to be an informer. Similar was the case with Priya Basumataru of Chirang in August 2014, who was killed by NDFB (s) in front of the villagers. A few years ago Jahnabi Mahanta of Dibrugarh, a teacher joined ULFA and died just after few months. According to a senior police officer she was murdered as she had relations with an ULFA leader.

Since 1990 to 2014, in major incidents of terrorist violence in Assam many women lost their lives, became widows or homeless. It is a long list.2

ULFA gives a call for boycott of elections and kills other democratic forces for the sole reason of participating in elections. In 1998, February there was an attack by ULFA on the leaders and members of Sadou Asom Pragatisil Nari Santha in Naharani of Dibrugarh district in which a CPI(ML) leader and candidate of Lok Sabha election Anil Kumar Barua was killed and a woman leader suffered bullet injuries. Another woman leader was beaten with rifle butts.

Due to conflict among different militant organizations also women have to suffer. In Dhemaji, Assam, on 15th August, 2004, ULFA killed 13 people including both boys and girl students (12- 14 yrs) by blasting a bomb in the Independence Day official function organized by the district administration.

In 1996, December the BLT killed a prominent women leader of Bodo Women Justice Forum, Golapi Basumatary with the claim that her organization was working as a front of NDFB (RanjanDaimary), a rival outfit. There are also incidences of sexual harassment by the militant groups. One such example is that of 4thMay 1998, in Bangalduba of Kokrajhar district. Galmu was an old widow having good relations with two members of a militant outfit. On that day, the two members came to her house and forced a young girl out of the car. As they started molesting her, Galmu and her daughter protested and the militants killed them and burnt their house.3

There are other impacts on women while they are active as combatants and also after coming to the mainstream. From some interviews, it is seen that their lives became very painful because of the sudden transformation from militant cadres to so called ‘housewives’, because after coming to the mainstream of politics they are again expected to lead lives of subjugated women in a patriarchal society.

In relief camps, victims of ethnic clashes and militant attacks spend months and years without basic hygiene and civic amenities. One can imagine what kind of lives they live if there is no privacy, no security, no health care.

Displacement is another dimension of misery of the people in armed conflict areas and it affects the women most.

Role of Tribal Women:Karbi, Bodo and Mishing Tribes:

As mentioned above, in all peoples’ movements, women play an active role, but certainly not as decision-makers. In this sense, one can say they are used by the organizations that exploit their patriotism for their homeland and country and also harness their indomitable courage. For example KNCA, BWJF, ABWF, TMMKA etc. They have been fighting as a part of the community for their self-determination; they are always in the forefront, facing extreme forms of state repression. But it is the same story always, without proper status, their massive participation is highlighted but they are given no role in decision-making. No women leaders are there in the central committees of these organizations and even in the autonomous councils their representation has been token. Never have we seen a single female signatory during the time of signing any accord, not even during the Assam Accord. Yet, these women’s groups have always been fighting against state repression and violation of human rights.

Among the Mishings, another minority tribal ethnic community in Assam like Tiwas, till now there is no remarkable militant organization and their movement for self-determination has not acquired an anti-state character, due to which the intensity of army repression is not much in Mishing areas. But during Assam movement they had been active, and hence faced state repression; they had played a heroic role.

Among the Bodos, the BWJF has been fighting against state repression and their woman leader Anjali Daimary was put into jail in TADA.

KNCA is the main women’s organization in Karbi Anglong fighting for self-determination along with ASDC since 1986. It has been following communist ideology, hence wanted to become part of a mainstream Communist women’s movement. It became an affiliate of AIPWA, and also formed a local branch of AIPWA, incorporating women of various other tribes.- They have been fighting against Army repression as well as the barbaric activities of militant organizations. In recent times also, KNCA launched a movement against rape of four women by army personnel on 5th and 6th April, 2015. Along with AIPWA, the KSA and many other organizations started the movement; they even staged a protest in New Delhi (photo attached).

Many such tribal women groups were organized by the Sadou Asom Pragatisil Nari Santha under the banner of ARJWAC which first started movements in the demand of Anlali Daimary’s release as well as repeal of draconian acts and special power enjoyed by army in Assam (AFSPA) (photo attached).

The Role of State and Repression of Women by Armed Forces

The role of the state in the entire north east, in the name of suppressing the movements of the militant organizations is against human rights. Since 1990, so many incidents of women’s rights and human rights violations by army personne l have occurred in Assam that one cannot give a complete list.

Some examples—

28th Nov, 1990 at night Indian Army Jawans entered the village Kopohowa of Dibrugarh district and raped eight women.
December 4, 1990, two men of the Indian Army brutally raped 14-year old Phulmai Tapnna and Karuna in Lakhimpur district.
January 7, 1991 in village Adarsa in Lakhimpur districts Nayantara Hazarika, a mother of a one month old baby was raped by Army personnel.
Oct 6, 1991 Raju Baruah a student of Chayduar college was dragged to the back of her house of Gahpur and was raped by Army personnel and later on she was shot and was thrown into a pond.
Oct 16, 1991 in Nowboisa of Lakhimpur districts 14 year old girl Bhanimai Dutta was raped by three Army personnel and she died. The army men blocked the post mortem of the body three days. (‘Women Rights Violated by State in Assam’ article by MASS and BWJF’)
On 13th August 2003 Nuril Terangpi, 12 years, was raped in Andrew Tesanggaon, Diphu by Army men.
On 25th july 2004 Renuka Beipi 21 years was raped and shot dead. On the same day Larsika Rongpipi, 19 years, and Rukjili, 16 years, were also raped and shot dead in Dikruit Timungof village of Diphu (collected from KNCA).

Assam was declared a “disturbed area” on 27th November 1990 by the Centre under section 3 of AFSPAC. There has been increasing opposition to AFSPA by different Government-instituted committees and civil society organizations. The report of the committee headed by Justice (retd.)

B.P. Jeevan Reddy to review AFSPA in 2005 clearly mentioned that the rule of law had become a ‘symbol of oppression, an object of hate and an instrument of discrimination and highhandedness’4 The impact of AFSPA can be seen on women in terms of restriction of mobility and fear psychosis. The impact of state repression, operation of army has already been discussed under the head ‘Impact on women’s lives’.

The role of the state in cases of rape victims at the hands of army personnel and in case of mothers of those killed by army personnel, the government’s role is restricted to the announcement of a nominal financial aid, in most cases it is also not seen. The state must surely take steps for their rehabilitation.

Women bear the brunt when the state fails to prevent massacres like the Nellie massacre or the numerous massacres of tea tribes in Bodoland. Most of the victims in the massacres were women and children as men mostly run away and hide in the nearby forests and the hapless women and children are left behind or they become the soft targets in general.

The violence against women has an additional dimension as sexual violence has become an inseparable part of inter-ethnic strife as well as counter-insurgency operations.

Participation of Women in Insurgent Groups

Women cadres in ULFA include active combatants who play different roles. The ratio of women cadres to men is 2:10. According to a study by the Northeast Network, it came to be known that women combatants are often not seen as important contributors and participants in combat and often do not receive equal treatment at the negotiating table.

According to a respondent in the study, many girls did not have the slightest idea what it was all about. Some came for adventure; sometimes parents willingly offered their daughters to the outfit but most of the women (respondent) join the outfit voluntarily, though a case of forceful induction also emerged during the course of study. Though they were all enthusiastic, only a few were assigned responsible roles. Patriarchal perceptions regarding gender division of labour, discriminatory roles and responsibilities had strongly permeated into the outfit.

Women cadres did valiant work as messengers and carriers of arms— the responsibilities which were difficult for men to carry out. One respondent said that when operation Bajrang came there was helplessness all around the camps. She began her journey from Sadiya to Dhubri crossing 55 chec k point gates.Women have also performed the role of shielding their male compatriots. Despite the critical roles played by women within the outfit, the recognition given to them has been nominal; they were never given high ranks or designations.4

(Armed struggle, identity and the state – experiences of women in conflict situation in Assam, India – A report by Northeast Network, 2014)

Success Stories of Women’s groups countering State Repression and Violence by Insurgent groups

NE is known for the heroic role of its women against state repression and violence by insurgent groups.

During the Operation Bajrang and Operation Rhino various women groups in Assam played an important role. They formed groups to resist army operations. During army operations in some villages, women activists used to bang the plates to make the people alert, so as to resist the army. In some places, the youth arrested by army personnel’s were forcibly snatched back by the women groups. There were regular ‘Gherao’ programmes of army camps by women groups demanding release of innocent youth. In all such struggles, the ‘The Sadou Asom Pragatisil Nari Santha’ was in the forefront. On 25th Feb, 1991, when police came severely on the rally organized in Guwahati by IPF, the women participants fought with the police heroically (photos of demonstration, road block, rally are attached). The ARJWAC went from place to place to mobilize people against state repression (photo attached). In 2004, a citizen convention was organized jointly by SAPNS, KNCA, SAJSP, KSA5(key note address attached).

Against the violence by insurgent groups also, various women groups came out and condemned their activities. The attack on SAPNS on 11thFeb, 1998 by ULFA was a consequence of such criticism. In many cases of rape by army, the organizations were successful in compelling the authorities to punish the rapists. In Lejai Kolakhowa of Dibrugarh district, the accused was punished accordingly in military court. The role of prominent women intellectuals like Late Mamoni Raisom Goswami in the peace process must be acknowledged. She tried to mediate between ULFA and the central government, but was not successful. Such heroic role of women of Assam in conflict situations will always be remembered in history. On the other hand, Jonaki Bat, a progressive women Assamese magazine has been playing an important role since its inception (1983) against atrocities by both state and terrorist groups. It has been experienced in the conflict areas that women’s protection cannot be ensured unless they protect themselves and take an offensive role when in danger. In such areas, women must be organized in groups. They must also be aware of their legal rights. The immediate need is to strengthen the movement to repeal the AFSPA.

References:

1. Extract taken from UPDS- 2003:) (from Lakhya (Goals)- Bixex Smriti Grantha.

2. www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/assam/data_sheets/major incidents.htm

3. Article by Indranee Dutta: ‘Women and Armed Conflict situation in North East’,.CWDS Library Resources Series

4. http//www.hindu.com/nic/afa/afa-part-iv pdf, accessed 23 Dec. 2013.g

*Abbreviation :*
ULFA	:	United Liberation Front of Assam
NDFB	:	The National Democratic Front of Bodoland
KNV	:	Karbi National Volunteers
KPF	:	Karbi People’s Front
BPAC	:	Bodo Peoples’ Autonomous Council
KLO	:	Kamtapur Liberation Organisation.
BLT	:	Boro Liberation Tiger
BWJF	:	Bodo Women Justice Front
TMMK	:	Takam Missing Mime Kebang
ABWF	:	All Boro Women Federation
KNCA	:	KarbiNimchoChingthurAsong
IPF	:	Indian People’s Front
SAPNS	:	SadouAxomPragatisilNariSantha

SAJSP	:	SadouAxomJanasanskritikParisod
KSA	:	Karbi Student Association
KRA	:	Karbi Revolutionary Army
AIPWA	:	All India Progressive Women Association
UPDS	:	United Peoples’ Democratic Solidarity
AASU	:	All Assam Student Union
ARJWAC	:	Anti Repression Joint Women Action Committee
RNHPF	:	Rengma Naga Hills Protection Force