13 The Women Worshippers of Goddess Yellamma

Ms. Kumudini Pati

Introduction

Who are the Devadasis, the worshippers of Goddess Yellamma? Girls dedicated to offer service to the Gods? Temple caretakers ? Skilled and honourable women learned in the classical arts? Consorts of kings, wealthy men of high lineage, patronising the temples? Or mere prostitutes who were been exploited by temple priests and wealthy men under the garb of religion? Here we will study the Devadasi Cult of South India, the women who were traditionally dedicated to Goddess Yellamma or Renuka, mainly from Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, where the tradition is being carried on in different forms. We try to understand the complex socio-economic dimensions of this Cult, its contribution to the arts, its relationship with religious beliefs, local superstitions or blind faith, as well as some of the myths surrounding the Mother Goddess Yellemma1, who is the main female deity to whom the girls are offered as Devadasis. The Devadasi Cult became weak after British rulers along with reformists and abolitionists abolished dedication of women in the name of religious faith. Laws were put in place to end the practice. But did the lawmakers understand the agency of these women or their spiritual commitments? We cannot say that the practice is dead; rather it has transformed into a thriving business centering round the mortal bodies of the Devadasis, around the Shrines of Renuka and Yellamma as well as city brothels in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. Some of the Devadasis became labourers for ( illegal) iron mining in Karnataka2, daily wage agricultural labourers and coolies while others began to run self-help groups. Some are even running human rights organisations or organisations for helping devadasis to return to normal life. Though, traditionally the Devadasis were highly respected women and enjoyed a status much higher than the wealthiest of housewives, were highly competent dancers, musicians and singers and were next only to the temple priests, the practice was made illegal through laws which were originally aimed at prohibiting the use of devadasis as prostitutes. In later times, the Devadasis became an exploited lot and mostly belonged to the Dalit or lower and intermediary castes. Some exceptions were there from Talawar. Gurav and Kuruba castes3, but they gave up the practice in course of time. Though laws have been formulated to prohibit the practice, beliefs surrounding the cult are so deeply entrenched in society and economic compulsions are so strong that the practice flourishes to this day. Many of the older Devadasis, who have lost their trade because of age, either end up forcing their daughters to dedicate themselves or are adopting little girls and offering them as Devadasis so as to sustain themselves economically. At the same time, for poor families, it provides some kind of social justification for giving away their daughters. Goddess Yellamma (Renuka) temples are the centres for the ceremonial offering for the wealthy and local temples or homes used by those who want a quiet inexpensive function but the police and administration have to turn a blind eye to the celebrations so as ‘not to vex the Gods’ or the temple bureaucracy and also not to incur the wrath of the rich and powerful upper castes, while earning a fast buck from priests and agents of brothels who are involved in the practice. What steps have to be taken by the Government or dalit and women’s organisations to end the exploitation linked to this tradition through campaigns, provide alternative sources of livelihood to the devadasis, and help their children to get education as well a life free from stigma and poverty, remains a vexed question, yet to be addressed.

History of the Devadasi Tradition

The tradition of dedicating girls to Godess Yellama dates back to the period of the Puranas, from the 6th century A.D. according to Anthropologists4. But some of the earliest references to the system are found in some inscriptions on stone pillars and tablets, copper plates dating back to 1113 A.D. at Ahalli in Karnataka. In the Raja Rajeshwara temple of Tanjavur, Tamil Nadu one can find inscriptions dating back to 1004 A.D. mentioning the presence of as many as 400 Devadasis. All over South India, engravings and inscriptions on stone, on walls of temples, on copper and silver plates, boulders and slabs dating back to the 10th-13th centuries A.D. The cult of “Devadasi” began to flourish during Pallava and Chola dynasties5 in South India from the 6th to 13th Century A.D., and the rise of “sacred prostitutes” in India seems to have taken place in the ninth or tenth century A.D.6 have been found, which mention the devadasis and the offerings made by them to temples or to them by rulers of the period. “Historians have also traced and inscription from the Chebrolu of Krishna District in Andhra Pradesh dating back to 1139 A.D. The inscription records that some dancing girls were in services at the temple of Nageshvara right from the age of eight years old7. The status of a temple was dependant on the number of Devadasis who were being maintained by it. The Devadasis were temple servers and entertainers, according to historians. They danced during religious festivals and temple functions. They were the custodians of art and culture and, during the period of 6th to 13th century AD, when the devadasis were accomplished and honourable women with considerable wealth and property, since their patrons were wealthy and powerful men or men of royal lineage. The devadasi acted as a conduit for honour, divine acceptance and competitive reward at the same time that she invited ‘investment’, economic, political and emotional in the deity. In this way the competitive vanities of local patrons, their weakness for one-upmanship with their equals and rivals became inextricably linked with the temple institution. The efficacy of the devadasi as a woman and dancer began to converge with the efficacy of the temple as a living center of religious and social life

– political, commercial and cultural.7*

‘Apparently the expansion of the temple system and the growth of the ‘bhakti’ movement brought into existence the class of temple dancing girls8. The bhakti ideologies of self- surrender and devotion to service had a huge impact on the society. It had a huge bureaucracy at its command amongst which the temple girls or the sanis, who were employed in the service of God deserve special mention, since they formed significant officiating dignitaries. They were the most important ritual performers and no festive occasion was complete in the temple without the performance of the temple girls. Hence, the employment of these dancing girls became customary on the part of the devasthana (temple), which gradually institutionalized into a professional organization.’

Another theory traces the practice back to the fall of Buddhism, when the Buddhist shrines were taken over by Vaishnavites. According to this theory the Buddhist nuns or bhikkunis (mainly dalits or lower castes) were the ones who, either fled from the temples, were captured and killed or converted into devadasis. Devadasis were degraded Buddhist nuns9.

The Devadasi Cult and its Patrons

Girls from different class backgrounds but mostly from dalit or lower and intermediary castes were offered as a religious custom, to the mighty temples which were centres of social and political power, patronised by Kings and vice-versa. They performed tasks which were in conformity to their status, e.g. providing company and entertainment to the Kings, performing temple rituals, dancing, singing and playing the musical instruments as accompaniments, looking after the temples and the gardens, maintaining the livestock in the temples, washing temple idols, artefacts and lamps, plucking flowers and making garlands or bouquets, cooking food, cleaning the floor and deities and dressing them up, etc.

Kings and men from elite backgrounds bequeathed wealth, ornaments, food grain and livestock for the maintenance of the temple and the Devadasis or oil for ‘eternal lamps’ which were never extinguished. Sometimes a patron supported one particular devadasi, who would serve as his concubine.

Majority of the devadasis in temples had become the targets of the pleasure seekers among the Brahmins and the Kings. Brahmin priests claimed that they being the representatives of gods in heaven, the ‘bhudevas’, i.e. gods on the earth, they have the first claim, as anything offered to god belongs to Brahmins, so also the girls offered to god must belong to them. The Kings retorted, that they make appointments of devadasis, they give them money and land and feed them, so they have greater claim. Ultimately the conflict was resolved by an understanding and devadasis were branded on their chest with emblems of ‘garuda’ (eagle) and ‘chakra’ (discus) for kings and ‘shankha’ (conch) for Brahmins10.

The Goddess Yellama

According folklore based on mythology one of the stories of Goddess Yellama is that of the curse of Jamadagni on Renuka, his spouse, who had been charged by him of adultery and behaded by her son Parashuram at his father’s bidding. Parashuram was given three boons for having accomplished this task. He asked for his mother’s life. But in a hurry, the head of Matangi woman was fixed on her body and vice-versa, and she was resurrected as Yellama or Matangi and Renuka. Jamadagni also gave her the boon of being worshipped by women. These women would see Parashuram in all males and agree to satisfy their sexual needs whenever they asked without asking for anything in return. The tradition of worshipping Goddess Yellama began thus, and the women who dedicated themselves to the goddesses became Devadasis. Temples dedicated to Renuka are many, the famous ones being Yellama Temple (Yellama Gudi, Saundatti, North Karnataka 13 th century), Renukamba (Chandragutti hills, Shimoga, Karnataka, 14th Century) or Yellama-Renuka Temple( Bidarahalli, Gadag, Karnataka), Yellama Temple (Mahar, Maharashtra and Nalgonda, Telangana); Renuka Yellama Temple (Bhongir, Bhuvanagari, Telengana), Yellama Temple (Balkampet, Hyderabad), Renugambal Amman Temple (Padavedu, Thiruvannamalai District, Tamil Nadu) and it is one of the most important Sakthi Sthalas or Pithas. Another powerful temple of Renuka Parameshwari is located in Tiruchampalli near Sembanarkoil in Nagapattinam district of Tamil Nadu. Temples of similar local goddesses Huligamma(Hulligi village, beside Tungabhadra,Karnataka), Khandoba of Jejuri (Pune, Maharashtra) were also constructed.

The ‘Devadasis’ and the ceremonies related to their initiation

The term Devadasi is a Sanskrit word; Deva+Dasi meaning female slave of a diety. Devadasis have different names in different parts of the country. They are called ‘Maharis’ in Kerala, ‘Natis’ in Assam, ‘Basavis’ or ‘Jogatis’ in Karnataka, ‘Bhavanis’ in Goa, ‘Bhogam-Vandhis’ or ‘Jogins’ in the state of Andhra Pradesh, ‘Thevardiyars’ in Tamil Nadu,’Muralis’ or ‘Aradhinis’ in Maharashtra. There is a slight difference between the traditional Devadasi and the Jogati-the Jogati performed even outside the temple premises but the early Devadasis were confined to temple dances. But it is evident that whatever may be the historical background of this tradition, today Devadasi has become a euphemism for a prostitute who works under the patronage of certain temples and priests.

When a girl is given in offering to or married a deity or to a temple instead of to a man, the girl on attaining puberty has to undergo a kind of initiation ceremony. This dedication ceremony is more or less similar to the marriage ceremony. It is called as Muttu kattuvadu (tying the beads) or “Devarige Bidavadu” (dedicating to the deity). Auspicious days for dedication ceremony were full moon days of the months of March-April, November-December, because goddess Yellama was resurrected and got back her slain husband on two full moon nights. Nowadays, to escape the clutches of the district authorities who are bound by law, the ceremony is performed at smaller temple or houses of some priests instead of the big temples. `.

The initiation ritual follows after the offering ceremony, in which the girl is formally dedicated to the Mother Goddess. It is said to include a “deflowering ceremony”, known as “uditambuvadu” in some parts, whereby the priests would have first intercourse with every girl enrolled at their temple. Once given as an offering, the girl cannot marry any man, and has to sustain herself by some kind of ceremonial begging, called “jogava” in Marathi, on Tuesdays and Fridays. She wears a “chal” (a string of small bells) in her feet and carries the “jag” (a metal mask of god) in a “pardi” (a basket) on her head and begs all through her life, or finally ends up as a commercial prostitute working in a brothel.(terms mostly used in North Karnataka and Maharashtra)

The initiation ceremony involves a Priest making the girl take several vows: “Hereafter you cannot claim a right of wife with any man, you have to fast on Tuesdays and Fridays and beg on those days holding a Joga (mask) in your hand. If you happen to see a calf; sucking its mother you should not forcibly withdraw the calf. If a cow grazes the crop before you, you shall not drive it away. You shall not speak untruth. If you are feeling hungry don’t tell others and ask for food; offer shelter to shelter-less and strangers. Provide food to those who are hungry and water to the thirsty. Help the helpless people. If anybody abuses you and beats you, never retaliate. If you come across with an event of death, you have bath, visit the temple of Yellamma; only after worshiping the deity you are supposed to take meals. You should not eat “Yenjalu (left out food) of somebody you shall chant “Udho Yellamma”(arise, Yellama) all the time.” (Jogan Shankar:1994, P-101). In another simplified and economical initiation ceremony, the girl is taken to a natural spring pond at Yellamma Gudda. Here the girl bathes and wears a new white dress along with a few jogatis and relatives, she goes to Yellamma temple with naivedyaA to offer at to the deity. In the plate, which contains naivedya of fruits, sugarcane, curd and sugar, a necklace made of beads is kept covered by piece of cloth. The plate is handed over to the priest and he offers the naivedya to the main deity of the temple, picks up the bead necklace, touches it on the feet of the idol,and puts it back in the plate covering it with the cloth. Then jogatisB and parents of the girl come out of the temple. A senior jogati ties the bead necklace to the girl’s neck and all jogatis who accompanied her to the temple are given a meal and offered some “dakshina”C. The girl after this ritual comes back to village and goes for joga (begging).

As she goes for joga all members of the village realize that she has been dedicated to Goddess Yellamma.

In Telangana, the girls offered are married to the god ‘Potharaju’, brother of the mother goddess. In the Shimoga District of Karnataka, the girls are handed over to the goddess Renuka Devi, and in Hospet, to the goddess Hulganga Devi. In the Vijapur district of Karnataka, girls are offered to Hanuman. But mostly girls in Karnataka are dedicated to the goddess Yellamma, who is the lower caste version of Rukmini. All these girls become exclusive concubines of the feudal gentry of the village and all know that the servants of the Gods and Goddesses are actually consorts of the wealthy upper caste men of the village or town.

Superstitions related to the system

Superstitions and blind faith have been a major cause for the continuance of the practice. The ‘Jogin’ system of Andhra Pradesh is based on the belief that evil befalling a family or the village can be kept at bay by dedicating a girl from the family to become a Jogin.

In Karnataka, also there is a traditional belief that whenever there is a natural calamity like a flood or drought or an epidemic or famine, a girl (generally she is of low caste) has to be offered as a devadasi to the local goddess Huligamma. At times, priests convince poor parents that dedicating their daughters would help family members be reborn as high caste Brahmins in their next life. They even allow family members the right to enter temples normally closed off to the lower castes.

Legend in Purana says that the if girls go naked and pray to the devi they get good husbands and married women get all their wishes fulfilled, the childless women get children, and that those shudra women and girls who do not follow these traditions meet with a lot of calamities. Naked dalit women praying to the deity is still in practice.

For making the mangalsutra for a married woman, a bead is taken from the Devadasi’s necklace; it is considered auspicious and a symbol of long-lasting devotion.

Vasant Rajas describes another custom, called “Sidi attu” in town Madakeripura in Karnataka which was in vogue till 1987, when it was banned by the Govt. Here a devadasi is suspended with a hook in her back on one end of a transverse rod placed on a vertical pole planted in ground, and rotated by a rope at the other end. She salutes the gathering, while her garments fly and all the naked lower part of her body is visible to all, for their amusement. This was supposed to bring prosperity to town, and the devadasi used to get a sari, a choli, a coconut and a betel nut, for which she thanked the gathering. [Sugawa, p. 27]

Prevalence

The Devadasi cult is prevalent in different forms throughout India, to this day. It is seen to a large extent in the districts of Belgaum, Bidar, Bijapur and Gulbarga in North Karnataka. The backward areas of Belgaum district are more prone to this cult, where maximum number of Scheduled Caste women from villages of Belgaum district are given away to Yellama Deity of Soundatti in Belgaum district. According to the National Commission of Women, over 2.5 lakh girls, most of whom belong to the Dalit communities, are dedicated to Yellama and Kondabba temples in the Maharashtra-Karnataka border. Besides Karnataka, the Devadasi system continues in Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Tamil Nadu. A 1993-94 survey found there were 22,873 Devadasis spread across 10 districts of Karnataka. And a re-survey in 2007, revealed that there are around 30,000 Devadasis in 14 districts of the state11

In Telangana and Rayalseema region of A.P., there is prevalence of Devadasi cult to a large extent. In Andhra Pradesh there are 24,273 Devadasis according to reports of A.P. Social Welfare Commission-Karimnagar-5,861, Nizamabad-5,666, Mahbubnagar-2,879, Warangal-1,059, Anantapur-2,686, Kurnool-2,197, Medak-1,145, Adilabad-906, Hyderabad 740, Chittoor 544, Nellore284, Rangareddy231, Nalgonda-40, Prakasam-26, Visakhapatnam-7, East Godavari-1,and Kadapa -1), the actual number could be more than 80,000.12

Laws and Commissions

Some of the states where the Devadasi practice is going on, Governments tried to eradicate it through state laws like the Bombay Devadasi Protection Act, 1934, which states that “the performance of any ceremony intended to dedicate or having the effect of dedicating of women as a devadasi where such women has or has not consented to performance of such ceremony, is hereby declared unlawful and to be an effect to any custom or rule to the contrary notwithstanding”. This law also declared the marriage of devadasi valid and children of such marriages as legitimate. [Jogan Shankar, p. 153] the Prohibition of Dedication act 1982 of Karnataka and Rules 1987, Amendment to the Act-2009 whereby ‘practice, coercion and planning’ are non-bailable and cognizable offences; the Andhra Pradesh Devadasis (Prohibition of dedication Act, 1988 and Madras Devadasi (Prohibition of dedication) Act, 1947.

A one-man commission headed by a former judge, Justice Raghunath Rao, was appointed by the undivided AP government by the then chief minister N Kiran Kumar Reddy on the direction of the Supreme Court, responding to a PIL. From its study of AP and Telengana, it found that the age-old social menace is prevalent in almost every district in both the states. The commission submitted the report on Devadasis recently stating that about 80,000 women still follow the system in these two states. The tradition is more rampant in areas of Telengana and Rayalseema. Also, the Chief Minister of Karnataka had to appoint a committee to investigate whether “Nagna-puja” has any religious sanction of Hindu sastras. The report was submitted in 1988 stating that there is no such sanction of Hinduism. In 1992 ban was imposed on this “Nagna-puja”. There was a hue and cry against it, but since then it has stopped being a public ceremony.

The National Commission for Women had convened a meeting with women commissions of Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, AP and Telangana where they discussed the Devadasi system and how to curb it. They suggested that the Centre should come out with a legislation banning Davadasis.

Government Schemes

In Karnataka in 2009, seeing the improper implementation of the Act in the last 20 years, the government planned to appoint Devadasi Dedication Prohibition Officers (DDPO) who will be public servants with powers of a police officer. The government included NGOs, officers of the gram panchayats, municipalities, and public-sector undertakings to assist the DDPOs. The DDPOs would prevent dedication of devadasis, and collect evidence for the effective prosecution of the accused.

They conduct programmes to sensitize people and bring awareness13.

Financial Assistance for remarriage of Devadasis (Dept. of Women and Child, Karnataka): Assistance of Rs.10,000 will be given to a couple where the bride is a devadasi. The devadasi woman should be in the age group of 18 to 35 years and must be a domicile in Karnataka for more than 2 years. The suitor should be above 21 years of age at the time of submitting the application. He should have a permanent source of income of not less than Rs.500/- per month. Other kinds of schemes and assistance for rescue, care, rehabilitation and welfare of Devadasis have also been declared.

In Andhra Pradesh for year 2015-16 the SC Co-operative Finanace Corporation declared financial assistance through District SC Society. As per the provision of the Act, each of the Jogins/ Basavis/ Devadasi/ Mathamma etc., identified and released is to be provided with Rs.10,000/- (rehabilitation grant) as a grant from Social Welfare Department as per provisions of the Act, and the same will be released to DSCSCS Ltd. (District Scheduled Caste Service Cooperative Society Ltd.) ., through APSCCFC Ltd. (Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Castes Cooperative Finance Corporation Ltd.) , irrespective of the Caste. For SCs, besides this there would be provision for a sustainable income generating asset in the form of subsidy and bank loan etc. The STs and OBCs would be taken care of by their respective corporations.

In both states there are schemes for pension, housing, micro credit etc. They are also being assisted through schemes for informal education, vocational training, DWACRA ( Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas) schemes, Self-Help Groups etc.

Life of the present-day Devadasis

In Mehboobnagar district of Andhra Pradesh or Bellary district of Karnataka, there are separate residential areas allocated for the families of ex-Devadasis. These areas have been habilitated outside the villages, just like the bastis of the Dalits, who are considered untouchables. They are totally segregated from the main village. However, the former has been habilitated through a government rehabilitation programme while the latter by the dominant castes. But giving a few acres of land for rehabilitation of the ex-devadasis does not erase the stigma attached to their work. Most of the devadasis in South India hail from the MadigaD community, lowest among dalits and shoemakers, animal skinners and scavengers according to Bhagya Lakshmi, social activist and director of the Sakhi Trust. In Karnataka alone, there are an estimated 23,000 temple slaves, of which over 90 percent are Dalit women. Herself the daughter and granddaughter of devadasis, who spent her childhood years working in a mine, Manjula believes the systems of forced labour and temple slavery are connected in a matrix of exploitation across India’s southern states, a linkage that is deepened further by the caste system.

The families of the ex-Devadasis are woman-headed, since no one was prepared to marry them or accept them back into their own families. They are also never accepted by the village community, although they have been exploited and used by these very people. But the children of the ex-devadasis mostly go to school. But everybody knows that due to social stigma attached to the profession, teachers and other children would segregate them, treat them with contempt and even call them bad names, i.e. children born out of wedlock or those whose fathers were not known. An ex-Devadasi recounted her experience of having to write ‘God’ in the column where the father’s name was to be mentioned, in an admission form for her child. Many devadasis end up with sexually transmitted diseases, which are not treated because of poverty. Many also end up with AIDS and die. Dedication of girls to the devadasi cult gives some kind of religious sanction for prostitution. Many poor low caste women are sexually exploited through this system. Soon after the initiation, the devadasi begins to lead a life of a cheap prostitute either at a nearby brothel or a city brothel. By the time she grows old, her market value goes down because of younger entrants. Then she is thrown out of business and is of no use to anyone anymore. The main issue then becomes that of survival. Some might sell flowers and incense sticks etc. near the temples; some may have to do other kinds of odd jobs in mines, agricultural fields or factories etc. and some even end up having to beg for alms.

The Dance forms of the Devadasis

Kuchipudi: Situated in the Krishna district of Andhra Pradesh, the village Kuchipudi is 32 miles from Vijayawada. Six miles away from it was Srikakulam, the ancient capital of the Satavahana empire (2nd century BC), and the rulers of this dynasty were great patrons of art. From the inscriptions found here, on the temples of Andhra Vishnu, which was the most sacred shrine of those days, it is evident that more than 300 devadasis received royal patronage and performed the dance which later transformed into the Kuchipudi dance form. Many sculptures found in this area show these dance postures. The emergence and spread of Krishna Cult and the efforts of a Brahmin Siddhapa, born in the 14th Century A.D. was mainly responsible for the transformation of the devadasis’ art into the present day Kuchipudi dance15.

Bharatnatyam: It originated from Sadir Natyam, a higher form of which was the Dasi Attam, It was also called Chinna Melam, or simply, Sadir. The term Sadir originated in 17th Century during the rule of Marathas in South India. Sadir was the dance performed in the courts while Dasi Attam, the dance of the devadasis was a part of temple worship. Devadasi families specialized in the arts of music and dance, and they maintained these traditions through several generations, promoted through royal patronage. Sculptural and literary evidence indicates that dances of the Bharatanatyam form, that was based on Natya Shastra, had been used in temple worship throughout India. But the tradition survived in South India because of the efforts of the devadasis. Many Devadasis taught the dance to girls from Brahmin families and they were invited to elite households on auspicious occasions. Later Rukmini Devi Arundale of the Theosophical Society of India established the Kala Kshetram in Tanjavur and transformed the ancient art form Sadir into the present day Bharatnatyam.

Mohiniyattam: Mohiniyattam seems to be a dance of the Devadasis; the temple dancers in Kerala. Sculptures and inscriptions from the temples dating back to the ninth century support this. There are also references to the form in 12th century literature . In Kerala, Devadasis were known under the name “Teviticci” which means “Servant at the feet of god” (Tevar = God, Ati = feet, Acci = woman). However, Mohiniyattam only appears to be around 500 years old. Alternative opinions are that Mohiniyattam was not a dance of the Devadasis, and has existed only since “the Golden Era of Art and Literature” in the 16th and 17th centuries. It was originally called ‘Dasiyattam’ since it originated as the temple dance performed by Devadasis and portrayed feminine love in its myriad forms – carnal, devotional and maternal- with accent more on Lasya and Bhava.16

Odishi dance also evolved from the Maharis’ dance.

The British rulers called the Devadasis ‘nautch girls’ since, for them dance and spirituality were opposed to each other. In 1892, the Hindu Social Reforms Association made an appeal to the Viceroy, the Governor General of India and the Governor of Madras thus, “That there exists in the Indian community a class of women community commonly known as nautch-girls. And that these women are invariably prostitutes”. The Viceroy and Governor of Madras had denied this but the organisation carried out a fierce campaign against these ‘nautch girls’ and maligned them as mere prostitutes. Unable to resist the campaigns of huge organisations of reformists and abolitionists, and with the former system of royal support having come to an end, many of the temple dancers had to make a living through prostitution or manual labour.

Other Important measures to be initiated to end the practice:

1. Awareness needs to be spread among the dalits and lower castes whose women become devadasis. They must be made aware of Government Schemes, and about the Laws against dedication of girls to temples.
2. Women should be educated about STD/ HIV/AIDS.
3. Men and women belonging to lower castes, from which women are initiated into devadasis should be educated through media against superstition and blind faith.
4. Children of devadasis should be educated free of cost in good schools. Education will bring awareness regarding this anti-woman, anti-dalit, exploitative system.
5. It is necessary that rehabilitation and correctional centres be located in rural areas where the practice is prevalent to a greater degree. They must be strictly implemented. Yearly evaluation is a must.
6. Poverty and unemployment are major factors which encourage poor lower Caste people to give away their daughters. It has be eradicated. It is necessary to male policies in this regard and launch anti-poverty programmes. Employment should be provided by establishing industries.
7. Scientific teaching and cultural methods should be used to help the village people understand the root cause of calamities and misfortune.
8. Frequent anti-dedication campaigns, plays and rallies should be arranged in the area where this practice is popular.
9. The children of devadasis are more prone to be forced into the devadasi system. Hence, they should be kept away from such a social environment .Rather, they should be trained in the classical dances and music of India free of cost.
10. Marriages of devadasis should be conducted and respect and social prestige should be given to them and their offspring.
11. Casteist and patriarchal attitudes in society responsible for continuation of exploitation should be challenged.

Conclusion

Devadasi cult is, in contemporary times, is an evil system where many poor dalit and backward caste women are exploited in the name of religion. Poverty, blind faith and unemployment are the major factors which encourage the devadasi cult. Hence, a policy for socio-cultural and economic rehabilitation of the Devadasis is essential. They have to be made free from social stigma, respected as upholders and preservers of the traditional art forms of India, and integrated into the national economy.

Suggested Readings-

• Education & social change: three studies on nineteenth century India. Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1972.
• Role of rural women in development. University of Sussex. Institute of Development Studies. Allied Publishers, 1978.
• Symbols of power: studies on the political status of women in India. Allied, 1979.
• Women and rural transformation: two studies with Rekha Mehra, Kunjulekshmi Saradamoni. ICSSR. Centre for Women’s Development Studies. Pub. Concept, 1983.
• Emergence of the Women’s Question in India and the Role of Women’s Studies. Centre for Women’s Development Studies, 1985.
• Khadi and Village Industries Commission. Centre for Women’s Development Studies. 1988.
• Peasant Women Organise for Empowerment: The Bank ura Experiment. Centre for Women’s Development Studies. 1989.
• Women workers in India: studies in employment and status, with Leela Kasturi, Sulabha Brahme, Renana Jhabvala. ICSSR. Chanakya Publications, 1990. ISBN 978-81-70010-73-9.
• * Legislative Measures and Policy Directions for Improving the Lot of Farm Women, with Kumud Sarma, Lotika Sarkar. Indian Council of Agricultural Research.
• Women and Indian nationalism, with Leela Kasturi. Vikas Pub. House, 1994. ISBN 978-81-70010-73-9.
• Changing Terms of Political Discourse: Women’s Movement in India, 1970s–1990s, with Indu Agnihotri. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXX No. 29, 4 March 1995
• Political Ideology of the Women’s Movement’s Engagement with Law . Centre for Women’s Development Studies, 2000.
• Face to face with rural women: CWDS’ search for new knowledge and an interventionist role. Centre for Women’s Development Studies, 2002.
• The Mind and the Medium. Explorations in the Evolution of British Imperial Policy in India. Three Essays Collective. 2010. ISBN 978-81-88789-64-1
• Memories of a Rolling Stone. Zubaan Books. 2010. ISBN 978-81-89884-52-9.