10 Non Brahmin Approach: Mahatma Phule

Table of Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Section One: Understanding Nineteenth Century: Mahatma Phule,

3. Section Two: Dharma and Caste: Mahatma Phule,

4. Section Three: Women and Education: Philosophy of Mahatma Phule,

5. Section Four: Agriculture and Peasants: Mahatma Phule,

6. Section Five: Satyashodhak Samaj and Non-Brahmin Movement

7. Conclusion.

Introduction

A non Brahmanical approach to the study of society in India, is based on rejection of Brahmanical history from the shudraatishudra perspective. Indian society was hierarchically structured according to the varna system, where ancient lawmaker Manu who is considered the architect of Brahmanical tradition wrote in his Manusmriti:

‘When a Brahman is born he springs to light above the world; he is the chief of all creatures, entitled by eminence of birth to the wealth of the world’1

The religious practices and beliefs of ancient India as reflected in the Vedas and the Upanishadas and believed by the Hindus, especially the Brahamins, were based on a caste structure and various forms of pantheism. The rules of purity and pollution like untouchability and distance pollution were rigorously followed. The Hindu ideology believed in the Varna system with Manusmriti and Bhagvat Gita interpreting Varna in terms of occupations. Brahamins could engage in education, both teaching and learning as well as priesthood; Kshatriyas in military or police forces and administration; Vaishyas could engage in trade or cultivation; however, occupations of Shudras were not mentioned. This might have meant that they could undertake any of the occupations not prescribed to the other three varnas. Generally they were duty bound to serve the other three. This caste polarity and disparity led to a distinct divide in the society with formation of the two distinct caste groups as Brahmins- non brahmins. The masses (Bahujan samaj) that have been devoid of humanity for centuries, and a handful who take their pleasure, call themselves superior, and live at the cost of the masses. Ones welfare is another’s misery- that is their connection. Thus, the non brahamical perspective looks at this dichotomous caste structure as oppressive for the non brahamins. It opposes the social, political and economic domination of the caste elites in society and questions the cultural hegemony of Brahamanism (Omvedt, 1976)

Mahatma Phule is one of the important revolutionary philosopher and activist who theorized on the non-brahmanical perspective. According to Phule Brahmanism was historical, constructed over time and was based on the ideology of oppression and dominance. Phule’s writing and theorization is ‘shudraatishudra’ rewriting of history, whose purpose is subversion and destruction. Phule’s canvas was broad, where he rejected the view that the sufferings of the lower castes was the product of a social system supported by all except untouchable castes. Phule identified and theorised on most of the questions of his time- religion, varna, ritualism, agriculture, peasantry and gender. One has to identify Mahatma Phule as a revolutionary and not a reformer – he did not believe in tinkering with some aspects of the structure – but wanted to smash up the entire oppressive structure ideological and material

1 R Ramachandran, Hinduism in the context of Manusmriti, Vedas & Bhagvad Gita, Pg. 254

The module has five sections. Section One, Understanding Nineteenth Century: Mahatma Phule, Section Two, Dharma and Caste: Mahatma Phule, Section Three, Women and Education: Philosophy of Mahatma Phule, Section Four, Agriculture and Peasants: Mahatma Phule, and Section Five, Satyashodhak Samaj and Non-Brahmin Movement each dealing with different aspects of Phule’s analysis. This is followed by the conclusion.

Section One: Understanding 19th Century: Jyotirao Govindrao Phule2

This section would draw upon the life history of Jyotirao Govindrao Phule and establish him as a liberal thinker who was an activist-academic, addressing and theorizing on issues of caste, gender, education and draw its interlinkages within the period of 19th century. Phule’s ideas were radical as it was based on challenging the unequal social structures rather than ‘reforming’ them, which was the agenda of many of the social reformers of the time. Khumbhojakar (2009), argues that Mahatma Phule’s contribution to the making of modern Maharashtra is seminal. Why is that? Khumbhokar argues that Phule was seminal as he widened the horizons of identity of exclusion and suffering by building a holistic vision which encompassed the aspirations of various oppressed classes such as the shudras, women, slaves, African American. It is important to see how Phule in his ideology made it possible for all the oppressed to come together. Dixit (2009) argues that it was in the 19th century, that one could see the presence of what her refers to as ‘war of positions’ within the intellectual and philosophical realm. Within this realm three positions were fighting for a hold: colonial – native, Hindu-Muslim and High caste- Low caste. Thus the ideas of Phule bringing in a narrative that excluded castes and class, presented the evolution of a counter-historiography that can be embodied in his writings.

Why was this happening? The history of Non- Brahmanical sentiment was seen as a product of the period of the Peshwa state and the institutions of colonial bureaucracy which had further empowered brahamins as witnessed in Maharashtra. The conservative brahamans insisted that there would be only two castes in the social world in the ‘kaliyuga’ that of Brahmans and Shudras, without any intermediate varna categories. The late -eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuary demonstrates the essence of such interlectual arguments in Maharashtra. The brahaminical domination led to oppression and exploitation of the non brahamins at the hands of the educated brahamins. It was in relation to this social condition that Phule and his peers developed their ideology of non-brahmanism (O’Hanlon,1985).

This was also the time, when Phule through his writings develoed counter -culture. Dixit (2009) argues that the 19th Century saw the Maharashtrian elite using history on one hand, as a Nationalist weapon to fight against the British, and on the other, as an instrument of creating and legitimizing their hegemony within the indigenous society. In this context, Phule writings, which challenged the ‘elitist’ construction of history lead to the birth of subaltern streams (rather non-brahmanic) in Marathi historiography. Further Dixit argues, Phule’s severe critique of Aryan-Brahmanic tradition, his emphasis on idea of Buddha, Charvaka, Kabir, Tukaram and Shivaji and the glorification of

2  Mahatma Jyotirao Govindrao Phule (11 April 1827 – 28 November 1890) was an Indian activist, thinker, social reformer of the 19th centuary Maharashtra, writer and theologist . He and his wife, Savitribai Phule, were pioneers of women’s education in India.

‘Baliraja’- a pro-people rule reveal the role of an organic intellectual aiming at creating counter culture.

India during the 19th century was a period which saw the beginning of a challenge to the upper caste domination in society. Phule noted that caste oppression, gender inequality, class hierarchies and racial injustice were deeply interconnected. Phule theorized on issues of education, especially rights of low caste and women to have equal access to it, he debated on ow to address problems inflicting agriculture and the rights of peasants and also addressed the notion of stigma attached to ‘widowhood’ and demanded for the removal of untouchability. Phule focused on addressing the patriarchal and brahmanical ideological structures which he believed lead the margianlised status of the bahujan and women. Thus his ideology of social revolution was a peasant and anti-caste outlook (Omvedt 1976, O’Hanlon 1985).

Phule believed in democratization of education system as one of the important ways to address the problem of inequality and exploitation. Towards this aim, he first taught his wife, savitribai Phule, who became his steadfast partner in this crusade against injustice. Towards realizing this goal, Phule opened the first school for girls in India in August 1848.further challenging caste rules of ‘purity and pollution;, Phule and Savitribai were the first of the families to allow access to people stigmatized as ‘lower castes’, to their wells to draw water, started a shelter home for child widows and an orphanage for the orphan children. In September 1873, Jyotirao Phule along with his followers, formed the Satyashodhak Samaj (Society of Seekers of Truth) , a non political body to attain equal rights for peasants and the lower castes. Phule is regarded as an important figure of the Social Reform Movement in Maharashtra due to his immense contributions to the field of caste politics, women empowerment and education as well as the upliftment of the peasantry. Omvedt (1971) argues that such an ideology was the first non-brahminic expression of social revolution.

What was the non-brahminic approach towards social revolution based on? Phule’s objective was to attack on the foundations of the existing system such as caste and its related socio-economic, politico-cultural systems without which no real reforms were possible. Unlike other reformers, the source of reference for Phule were the peasants in Maharashtra and he believed that, the grassroots have to change so as to alter the social structure which was oppressive towards the non- Brahmins especially. .Omvedt (1971) argues that such an approach was a peasant and anti-caste outlook. Omvedt states:

‘That in terms of India, Hindu culture and caste system rested upon Brahmanism; hence Phule who aimed for aomplete destruction of caste, superstition and inequality within Indian tradition, linked his thought with a movement of opposition to the Brahmana elite. Non-Brahmanism in India, therefore represents not simply communialism or a result of British divide and rule policies; it traces its origin to the Indian renaissance and represents the first experience of social revolution in India (Omvedt 1970; pp )

In support of his ideology Phule’s literary contribution is immense. It is important to understand the political context of his writings. Through his books and articles not only was he creating a holistic vision of social justice and question the lack of acess to education, but importantly through ‘creating knowledge’, he was able to bring right to the forefront the relationship between knowledge and power. A glance through his titles would give us an understanding about how wide Phule’s vision was and enlarge the possibilities for the oppressed to create and recreate emancipatory visions for themselves. The books Phule wrote include: 

Tritiya Ratna: The Third Eye 1855 

Chatrapati Shivaji Raje Bhonsale Yancha Pavada: (A Ballad of the Chatrapati Raja Shivaji

Bhonsle : 1869 Brahmanache Kasab (Priestcraft Exposed): 1869

Vidyakhatil Brahman Pantoji: (Brahman Teachers in the Education Department): This ballad was published in the journals Vividhadnyam Vistar and Satyadipika (both Marathi) in July and June, 1869 respectively.

Gulamagiri (Slavery): 1873

Shetakaryacha Asud (The cultivator’s whip-Cord): Collection of Phule’s Speeches ( 1882-83)

Satyashodhak Samajokta Mangalashtakasaha Sarva Pujavidhi: (All the Rites Ceremonies, and Vereses used by the Satyashodhak Samaj:1887

Sarvajanik Satyadharma Pustak ( A book of true religion for all):1889

An analysis of the writings by Mahatma Phule reveal that he made systematic analysis of the interlinking systems of inequality such as caste, class and gender in India during the colonial period. The areas theorised extensively by Phule include: Dharma and caste, Women and education, Agriculture and Pesantry and Satya Shodhak Samaj. In the following sections the module will deal with each of the area and analyse his ideas towards developing a non-Brahmin approach towards the study of society in India.

Section Two: Dharma and Caste: Mahatma Jyotirao Phule

Deshpande (2010), in his introductory chapter from the book, Selected Writings of Phule, explains how dharma and caste are at the centre of Phule’s thoughts. Phule’s opposition to Brahmanism did not relate only to the Varna system but to everything within the Hindu religious traditions. Phule opposed Brahmanism in totality as he believed that Hinduism, that originated in Shrutis (Vedas) and Smritis –were part of the Brahmanical attempt at creating texts which would rationalize inequality and thus perpetuating their dominance.

In challenging the Brahmanical system Phule rejected the fact that Brahmanical position claimed the chaturvarna system (the division of society along the lines of the four varnas) to be of divine origin and thus eternal. Phule rejected this religious belief and the texts that justified such a belief. It is important to note that Phule was not just interested in making the Brahmanical structure a little humane, like the other social reformers of the time, but argued for its complete rejection and wanted to breakdown this chaturvarna system that legitimises inequality

In this endeavour Phule sought to create a dichotomous conception of Hindu social structure, where each of these classes are characterised by the relation of its members to the members of the oppressed classes. So Phule referred to the two ends of the dichotomy as the opposed groups of Brahman and shudra-atishudra3. Phule theorized that Brahmanism was a religious, and a dharmik order, which perpetuated, rationalized and made sacrosanct the dominance of the Brahmans in this dichotomous conception, whether in religion or in everyday practice or in politics and administration. Such oppression and dominance was established over years through manipulation of knowledge thus highlighting relation between knowledge construction and power. Thus, Phule structured Brahmanism as being historical, constructed over time and the ideology of oppression and dominance which needed to be opposed and eventually smashed. (Deshpande, 2010)

As O’Hanlon (1985) discusses in her book, Phule also challenges s the avatarakalpana, the thesis that the God Vishnu took different forms at different times to save the world from catastrophe as referred to in the Hindu theology. According to Phule, it was the way followed by Brahminism to dissolve contradiction between polytheistic ritual practice and monotheistic metaphysical positions. Phule’s effort towards subduing the Brahamanical structure of ideas and beliefs so that a new , more equitable order can emerge, is to be analysed as the shudra- atishudra rewriting of history. Additionally Phule’s writings on the Brahamanical gods and on the history of Aryan race have to be understood in terms of their purpose. Phule in terms of ‘writing history’, was rejecting the Brahamanical history and ‘rewriting history’ from the shudr-atishudra perspective. As O’Hanlon (1985) argues that Phule’s aggressive attack is to be understood not only as historical necessity but inevitability of also is as he rejected the view that the sufferings of the lower castes was the product of a social system supported by all except untouchable castes which is evident from his play Tritiya Ratna (The Third Eye) Phule was not analysing caste as a system of endlessly regressing hierarchy – where there is always someone, somewhere lower than the lowest but as bipolarity of the varna system in the kaliyuga where there are only two varnas, the first (Brahman) and the last (shudra) (Deshpande 2010) . Similar to Marx’s analysis of capitalism, by emphasizing the bipolarity of modern society between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, Phule used this notion of dichotomous structure within caste. Phule understands caste or varna in a relationship of power and dominance that needs to be attacked at grassroots.l. Phule was of the opinion that the Smritis and Vedas talked essentially in terms of the bipolarity and by attacking this central element of the socio-religious system; caste system could be uprooted and destroyed all together. This bipolarity for Phule also meant that the other castes who were oppressed can come together and unite rather than maintain the divisions amongst them. Phule rejected the centrality of the notions of pavitra and apavitra (purity-pollution), sprishya and asprishya(pure and impure) as a main thrust of the brahamanical dharma. For him it was more of the socio-political power which the Brahmins sought in order to maintain their power position and the hierarchies in soical, economic, poltical and cultural realms(Deshpande, 2010).

Drawing on Phule one can argue that the main emphasis was on challenging the exploitative and oppressive character of Brahmanism and Brahmanic hypocrisy. Phule perceived caste both as a category in the productive process and as something that facilitated dominance of Brahmans in the ideological sphere. Phule believed this dominance being perpetuated through the religious epics, such as that of the mythical shudra-atishudra king Baliraja, contrasting him with Vamana, the brahainical avatara who put his foot on Bali’s head and crushed him deep into the earth (Deshpande, 2010). Therefore for Phule, it is critical that history gets rewritten from the perspective of marginalised so that one can get to the process of creating a self reflexive knowledge production that is just..

3 Atishudra would be ‘dalit’ in contemporary language.

Section Three: Women and Educational Philosophy of Mahatma Jotiba Phule:

The importance of education is revealed from the poem written by Mahatma Phule, where he associated education with access to justice, progress and growth for the lower castes and women. For Phule, access to power and justcice is possible only when one has complete access to education. The words of Mahatama Jyotirao Phule include: stated,‘Lack of education leads to lack of wisdom, which leads To lack of justice, which leads to lack of progress, Which leads to lack of money, which leads to the oppression Of the lower classes. See how lack of education can Affect society!’4

Deshpande (2010) argues that Mahatma Jyotiba Phule was fully conscious about the importance of education. For Phule education can only be the powerful instrument of social revolution. Education can only bring social equality and social justice in the society. The essence of the educational philosophy based on educated as a human right. Mahatma Phule emphasized on universalization of education. Universalization of education means to accept and extend facilities of education to all irrespective of caste, creed, religion, sex and physical or moral disability. Though he argued for education to all, he especially focused on ‘womens education’. Through his activities and undaunted efforts he tried to build foundation of woman education in particular and along with his wife he started a girl’s school in 1848 at Pune. Later in 1851, he established two more schools and one specifically for girls of backward caste and class.

Mahatma Jotiba Phule5 believed that ‘Men and women are born equal and have equal rights’. It is important to contextualise Phule’s ideas with regard to women as it was during the Nineteenth century that women’s questions became the issue of primary concern. Social reformers raised concerns with the issue of child marriage, child widows, and widow remarriage. Among the category of women, the shudratishudra women face more marginalisation. The bahujan/ lower caste/lower class woman was always the centre of Phule’s thoughts and actions and he believed that caste and gender was interrelated and that Indian woman is not a monolithic category, rather divided in terms of caste and class. It is evident from Phule’s writings that he was sensitive to the fact that there existed diversity of patriarchies in terms of castes in India with varying degree of exploitation of women there in (Dhara, 2011).

Sonalkar (2011) states that Phule was of the opinion that practices of unequal marriage and child marriage leads to untimely widowhood, adultery, which in turn led to abortion and/or infanticide. Phule critiqued the double standards of the Hindu Brahaminical patriarchy which, while disallowing 4 Lines translation taken from the book, A gardner in the wasteland: Jotiba Phule’s Fight for liberty, by Srividya Natarajan and A. Ninan(2011), Navayana Publishing:New Delhi

5 From Phules and Women’s Question compiled and edited by Lalitha Dhara(2011),chapter 2,pg 5

widow remarriage and expecting vaginal purity from the women, happily permitted remarriage for men. Phule believed that it was Brahmanical scriptures that legitimised inequality among men and women and justified marginalised position of women. According to him shastras and religious scriptures like Vedas, Ramayana and Mahabharata was based on ideas of inequality and justified the fact the women and shudrasatushudras should be denied the right of learning that kept the women and the shudras in perpetual slavery. Dhara (2011) specifically argues that Phule condemned the use of sexist words used for women in these texts amd held Brahminic patriarchy responsible for such deliberations. Rege (1998) argues that Phule’s articulation of women’s question stands out in its recognition of the overlapping and specific ways in which Brahmanical patriarchy exploits women of different castes.

Drawing from Mahatma Phule’s text ‘Sarvajanik Satya Dharma Pustak’ envisaged the ideal Indian womanhood needed in modern Indian society. Phule attributed sisterhood and brotherhood to all women and men. In this book he has tirelessly used the term ‘all women and men’ (sarva ekandar stree-purush) throughout. The teachers appointed in the schools included people from all castes and also women. Dhara (2011) states that the book has reference to Fatima Shaikh, who worked with Savitribai from the beginning after undergoing training in the Normal college, is said to be the first Muslim woman teacher in a modern school in India. Phule through such a move was challenging the Brahaminical monopoly of knowledge which assumed that a person of the Brahman caste was automatically fit to be a teacher. This he did through his praxis as well as his polemics. What was different about Phule’s perspective of women’s education? While the upper caste reformers were promoting education of women, they did not exactly have women’s emancipation in mind but were promoting a ‘refined domesticity’, where women would be educated, and socilialise but still retain her domesticity. For such a idea, the reformers demanded for women’s education to be separate from men’s education.

Unlike the other reformers, Phule wanted a more inclusive education for women. Phule believed that British education opened up possibilities for education of shudras-atishudras and underlined the inclusion of women. Thus starting of school for shudraatishudra girls was part of his vision for social revolution.

Widow remarriage was another issue taken up by nineteenth century social reformers. The practice of shaving the heads of widows and forcing them to live an ascetic life confined to the most burdensome household chores was prevalent among Brahmans and some upper castes. Phule again had a unique response towards this social evil, when in 1863, they established the Bal Hatya Pratibandhak Gruha, a shelter for pregnant widow who could give birth with complete confidentiality and entrust their infants to the care of the institution (Dhara, 2011).

The gender perspective of Phule is one which links the gender and caste aspects of social oppression. Such a position can be analysed from his poem titled ‘Kulambin’, where he highlights the details of the shudraatishudra woman’s labour, while comparing it with the privileged life of a Brahman woman. What makes it interesting is that it also makes a subtle reference to the fact that even though the shudra man and woman work side by side, it is the shudra woman who wakes up early and takes care of the family’s needs as well as the agricultural duties, performing multiple jobs (Dhara,2011).

Section Four: Agriculture and Peasants: Phule’s Perspective

Jyotirao Phule did not examine the question of the farmers from economic point of view alone. In his opinion in order to free the farmers from the negative impact of Brahmanism the cultural, political, and social aspects also needs to be examined. He believed that the farmers should be awakened and develop self-realisation of their importance in the social system and thus promoted the struggle for independence for the farmers and peasants from the exploitative social structures.

Phule believed that the farmers were culturally, socially, politically and economically exploited in the hands of the savkaarsahi, bureaucracy and colonialism. These themes were evident in his revolutionary thought in the books like Gulamgiri, Shetkarya cha Asud. Ryotwari system, a principle method of collection of revenue was prevalent in most of southern India, where land tax was to be paid in cash alone. This was ruinous to the cultivator, exposing him to the demands of the money lenders. Many farmers lost their lands when they falied to pay off the debts and when crops failed. In his book Shetkaryanche Asud, Phule has discussed many issues of the farmers. According to Phule, farmers have not been enslaved by the taxation policies of government, or the draughts but they are exploited from all sides in the name of religion, culture and caste. The reason why the farmer is caught up in this exploitative web is that he is uneducated. Phule emphasised that if the farmer has to be freed from this slavery it is possible only through all round transformation; where religion, culture, politics, caste annihilation, education, and agriculture all are interrelated and interconnected and cannot be handled in isolation. Thus, if the farmers have to be freed from the slavery it has to be through change at the grassroots level in the society (Chausalkar, 1990)

4.1 Religious Exploitation of farmers:

In his books Shetkryacha Asud and Brahmanache Kasab, Phule brought out in detail as to how Brahmins resorted to religious exploitation of farmers. Farmers were blinded by the superstitious beliefs preached by religion and was misused by the Brahmins by imposing various fasts and rituals to exploit the farmers financially. This exploitation continues throughout the lifespan of a farmer until his death. Phule felt that Brahmins were guilty of two offences; firstly, misguiding the farmers by over emphasing on the ritualistic practices necessary for salvation. Secondly, without any hard work the Brahmans were thriving on the produce and efforts of the farmers. Phule criticised the Brahmanical ritualistic practices and pushed the farmers to avoid unnecessary rituals imposed by Brahmins (Chausalkar, 1990).

4.2 Cultural Exploitation:

Phule argued continuously that religious exploitation leads to cultural exploitation. Thus Phule wanted farmers to be aware and educated about their basic rights as they are their most essential human rights. As access to education was denied to all, many of the shudras remained uneducated. Thus if farmers were to be freed from this cultural slavery the only solution was to educate themselvesPhule believed that the farmers should follow Satya dharma, a philosophy of religion of truth and be educatedand worldly wise (Chausalkar, 1990)

4.3 Exploitation by Money lenders:

The peasants were also exploitated by the money lenders, who charged exorbitant rates of interests for the laons taken up by farmers. The money lenders were supported by British government.

Money lenders mostly belonged to Marwadi, Brahamin and Gujar upper castes. Why did the farmers need to borrow? During British rule farmers had to take loans in order to pay the high taxes levied on them and also meet the daily expenses.when the crops fail, they have to depend on the money lenders to pay the tax, take care of daily needs and invest for further agriculture. Phule elaborated upon this issue in details through his writings in Gulamgiri and Shetkaryache Asud . In Shetkaryache Asud, Phule has laid down certain principles and views. He has emphasized on positive change in the farmer’s movement for development through the suggestions given below for the government. His ultimate aim was to establish Baliraja’s rule or what he referred to as people’s rule, a society for farmers and for the farmers welfare only (Chausalkar, 1990).

Some of the suggestions which Phule made with respect to the condition of the peasants drawn from the analysis of Chausalkar (1990) and Deshpande (2010) is as follows:

• Phule laid emphasis on breeding of cow and oxen, and wanted the government to put ban on cow slaughter as they are the main beasts of burden in agriculture.

• Phule advised the farmers to harvest rain water by building small bunds (dams) in order to prevent rainwater and natural fertilizers to be washed away. Phule also wanted wells to be constructed, where water can be collected and stored, such initiatives would help to address the recurrent droughts. To build these infrastructure, Phule believed that the state should take the help of army personnel’s, so that a symbiotic relationship of police/army with civil masses could be developed, especially the peasantry and working class. Phule was first among the social reformers to have argued and focused on participatory development where locals should be involved in the development process as well.

• Phule also demanded that forest lands to be granted to the peasants and they should have access and control of it. Children of the peasants should get professional vocational training as carpenters, iron smiths so that work of at least two or three caste groups could work together.

• Peasants should get scientific education about agrarian production in specifically designed agricultural schools so that they can increase production. The state should play a proactive role in improvement of agriculture and focus on reforms which would increase the role of state in political affairs.

Thus, as described by Deshpande (2010) in his introductory chapter, he states that Phule had emphasized on the three main aspects of the peasants and cultivators issues. It includes: they were in relation to the actual production process, what the state can and should do for the peasantry, and the brahman conspiracies to deprive the peasantry of its meagre income in the name of one or the other religious rituals (Deshpande, 2010)

Section Five: Satyashodhk Samaj (Truth Seekers Society) and Non- Brahamanical Movement:

Satyashodhak Samaj was founded in 1873 by Phule with support not only from the renowned Brahmin intelligentsia but also Muslims in Maharashtra. Satyashodhak leaders visited different villages around Pune propagating awareness about religious and political injustice against the shudra atishudras and the other non Brahamanical castes. The leaders generally fought against the feudal system. Satyashodhak ideology accepted the idea of lower caste backwardness, but argued that Brahmans had combined to use their religious authority acquired over decades and their more recently acquired administrative and political power during the colonial period, to perpetuate this division. (O’Hanlon 1985). Though Phule focused on the actual production process, role of the state for the peasants upliftment and against Brahaman conspiracies to deprive the peasantry of its meagre income in the name of performing one ritual or the other; he does not speak of any exploitation inherent in the production process. The Satyashodhak movement as well as Phule believed the peasantry to be an undifferentiated group which did not have further subcaste differences within the agricultural peasantry. For Phule the entire peasantry was shudraatishudra and victim of the dichotomous socio-religious structure. There Phule was the first social reformer who made agriculture and the production conditions therein, among his main subjects of concern. Further, the Satyashodhak newspaper, Din Bandhu (Brother of the poor) was established in 1875 by the Satyashodhak Samaj, to highlight the problems of the peasantry, shudras-atishudras and women.

Conclusion:

Over the years, the issues that have been raised by the low castes across the length and breadth of the country have been concerning basic human and citizenship rights. In the pre- independence times, when the ‘nationalists’ were demanding a greater share in the colonial pie and later for complete independence, the low castes had to protest and agitate for access to roads, markets, schools, the right of their women to lead a respectful life and such issues. These daily struggles were not waged against the imperialist but against their own brethren who had subjected them to atrocities on the basis of their castes. Jyotirao Phule is one such leader and revolutionary of the nineteenth century with a broad spectrum of work. Phule identified and theorised the most important questions of his time- religion , the varna system, ritualism , language, literature, British rule, mythology, the gender question, conditions of production in agriculture and the issues of the peasantry.

Phule not only analysed the dichotomous structure of the society and identified the shudratishudras as the leading agency of a social revolution but also was the thinker to systematically theorise on caste. According to Deshpande (2010), Phule is understood not as a social reformer but a revolutionary who had a complete system of ideas, who believed that the shudraatishudras on behalf of entire society will liberate the entire people from the oppressive structure of Brahamanism. Further as noted by Deshpande (2010) most historians of Marathi literature fail to refer to Phule in their works which is strange and sad and ahistorical. Deshpande (2010) stated that while Phule tried to build a system of ideas that could look as the contemporary social reality in its entirety, unfortunately he did not see that the contemporary missionaries were reactionary and conservative, just as the Brahmans were. Thus, he did not ask the question that Pandita Ramabai faced: why and how were missionaries racist and colonial?

Phule also had a soft position on imperialism and ultimately lost ground to the nationalist movement. Why was that? According to Deshpande (2010), Phule was thinking about the future of India under the British rule. He believed that British rule would bring about the annihilation of the Brahmanical system and thus depended on them to change the system. But Phule did not see imperialism dialectically. He did not see that the British ruling class were not kind to the lower classes and peasants in Britain. As suggested by Deshpande, Phule must be progressively and creatively read by moving away from his clearly soft position on imperialism. Thus, it can be understood that all forces which desire and need a fundamental transformation of our society are today’s shudraaatishudras, and those who oppose them are the Brahmans.

Thus Phule’s writings, works and non-brahmanical approach, saw caste oppression, gender inequality, class hierarchies and racial injustice as deeply interconnected. Phule led the movement against the prevailing caste- restrictions in India and revolted against the domination of the Brahmins and for the rights of peasants, women and other low-caste people.

REFERENCES:

• Chausalkar, A (1990): Mahatma Phule ani Shetkari Chalval, Lkvangmaya Gruha: Mumbai.
• Deshpande, G P, (ed) (2002): Selected Writings of Jotirao Phule. Left Word Books: .New Delhi Dhara, L (ed) (2011): Phule’s and Women’s Question. Dr. Ambedkar College of Commerce and Economics: Mumbai.
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