14 Ritual and Worship in India

Ektaa Jain

Introduction

Mystics, sadhus, babas as well as Godmen have dotted the Indian spiritual landscape for centuries claiming powerful knowledge over medicine, healing, alchemy, yoga, music and much more. Much orientalist work has been dedicated in describing their appearances, practices and beliefs in colonial India. Beginning their journey as counter cultural traditions derived either from the Yoga school of thought or bhakti/ mystic philosophies they have established large institutions, attract huge masses and have created empires of spiritual consumerism. However there are many internal differences between them. The ascetics may aspire to godhead and immortality through yogic and meditational practices, the pir is considered as an intimate of God while the Godman may actually believe that he/she is God incarnate. This chapter tries to locate their emergence in history, the nature of beliefs and practices they observe, the institutions they have created and their relevance today.

This module is divided into three sections: section I deals with the Ascetic tradition within Hinduism, various practices and beliefs and their monastic organization. Section II looks at Sufism, the mystical tradition within Islam, its historical roots, and various saints’ cults. Section III is a study of modern godmen in India.

Section I

The Ascetic Tradition

Sadhu/Sadhvi is a term used for an Indian ascetic, monk/nun or holy man/ woman who has formally renounced the social world to pursue a specific sadhana or spiritual effort/practice in order to attain liberation or moksha. [Gross 1992:112] There are many terms used to address renunciants such as sanyasi- a renouncer, vairagi- one who is dispassionate, yogi- the one who practices yoga or tapasvi who practices penances or austerities. For a broader understanding of the renouncer tradition in the world context see Gavin Flood ‘The Ascetic self: Subjectivity, Memory and Tradition’. 2004.

They are highly differentiated, belong to various sects, follow different philosophical doctrines and follow different rituals and spiritual practices. [Gross 1992: 111] They are unmarried, maintain celibacy and have severed all relationships with their family, lineage, jati and natal village. They do not engage in any profession or eke out a livelihood. They live separately in monastic institutions or hermitages and are often itinerant. As a group therefore they are located outside the hierarchical order of the caste system and differ sharply from the Hindu householder [Gross 1992: 112]

Historical background-

The rise of ascetic sects in the first millennium has been explained as due to the break up of tribal society and the consequent rise of a hierarchical caste society, coupled with the anonymity and alienation caused by urbanization. [Thapar 2000:882] Between the ninth and the sixth century BCE two important ideas developed in the middle Gangetic valley-that beings are reincarnated in the world [samsara] repeatedly and that results of action [karma] are reaped in future lives [Flood 1996:76]. Both in the Vedic corpus as well as in the Buddhist and Jain philosophy the world was seen as engulfed in suffering. Hence, as Flood notes to be free from suffering it was necessary to be free from action and its effects. The renunciation of action at first meant ritual action but later came to denote all action in the social world. This could be achieved through tapas or austerities and meditation to bring about altered consciousness and experience world transcendence. [Flood 1996:76] Ideas of world renunciation can therefore be traced to such philosophical speculation. Renunciants abandoned the sacrificial fire, the sacred thread and therefore caste and performed their own funeral rites before they became renouncers thus declaring to the world the death of their social selves. [Flood 1996]

Renouncer and Brahman-

Dumont argues that Hinduism can be seen in terms of a dialogue between the ‘world renouncer’ and the ‘man in the world’, the Brahman, male householder. The latter is defined by his social position, and function within the restrictions and boundaries of his caste. It is this caste system based on purity/pollution principle that determines his status. Dumont posits that because of such societal restrictions the householder is not an individual, existing purely within the web of social relationships. The renouncer on the other hand has opted out of the society and therefore of its social relationship and hence is an individual. He is devoted to his own salvation, outside of caste society and therefore considered as driving force of Hindu religion. Dumont has been severely criticized as taking away agency from Indian social actors. [Flood 1996: 89] Others have argued that the renouncer’s withdrawal from society was not physical but rather ideological [Olivelle 2011:12] Patrick Olivelle’s authoritative study titled ‘Ascetics and Brahmins: Studies in Indology and Institutions’ looks at the development of ascetic practices in early India, various texts that refer to the tradition as well as the semantics of both the ascetic as well as the ashrama system. Thapar counters Dumont stating that in fact the renouncer having joined an institution also plays an important social role that of trying to change the social order as well as question the political order. [Thapar 2000, 915] She states that ‘far from being life-negating the renouncer was the symbol of power and was often treated as the counter-weight to temporal authority’. [Thapar 2000: 938]

Thapar makes a distinction between two groups of renouncers that begin to emerge in early India. The first group is referred to as an individual ascetic [found mostly in literature] who has completely opted out of society, lives in the forest subsisting on fruits and tubers. The second group of renouncers associated themselves with a group or belonged to a ‘sampradaya’, they followed rules of celibacy, did not observe caste rules, did not own property and generally were concerned with helping the larger society in achieving salvation. [Thapar 2000: 877]

The history of Hindu Asceticism

By the fifth century AD monasticism within puranic Hinduism had begun to emerge with the worship of Shiva in his ascetic forms as tutelary deity. Wendy Doniger has studied the ambivalences in the ascetic ideal of Siva and shows through various myths and legends of his erotic aspect as well in her work ‘Siva: the Erotic Ascetic’. [1981] The Pasupatas, Kapalikas and the Kalamukhas all established ascetic orders centered around monastic complexes and temples supported with land and village endowments. By the medieval period we have many more Hindu monastic groups. We shall three of the most important ones viz, the Dasnamis, the Bairagis and the Naths.

Dasnamis today claim descent from Shankara, a ninth century sage from south India and adhere to the Advaita Vedanta he espoused. The establishment of the tenfold division in medieval India may be connected to a process of incorporation and institutionalisation of regional varieties of ascetic practices and styles into a more cohesive, institutionally self conscious monasticism of the Dasnamis. [Pinch 2006:38] These sects were deliberately organized to compete with Buddhist and Jaina monasteries for patronage and recruits. Flood states that they also were instrumental in giving coherence and a sense of pan Indian identity to orthodox, Vedic traditions. [Flood 1996:93]

Vaishnava monasticism arose much later since they initially believed that salvation would come about through bhakti. But by the eleventh-twelfth century AD Vairagin or the Bairagi movement established by Ramananda created the Vaishnava monastic orders. Both the Dasnamis and the Bairagis were maintained from the various donations made to the mathas or monastic complexes as well as the religious levies collected by the temple and the mathas own business proceeds. Often there were disputes between the Dasnamis and the Bairagis over collection of religious levies as well as precedence over the ritual bath during the Kumbh melas.

Nath Jogis or Kanphata [split eared] jogis appear on the historical scene in the twelfth-thirteenth centuries AD with Gorakhnath as its great systematizer. They came from humble backgrounds, and were heirs to the heterodox Pashupatas and Kapalikas of an earlier age, were devotees of the terrible forms of Shiva, besmearing themselves with ashes, leave their hair uncut and followed Tantric practices. They practiced Hatha yoga as well as alchemy.[White 2004 ]

The Dasnami Nagas [also known as Gosains] and Bairagis were the militant arm of the Dasnami and Bairagi mathas. They became quite active in the eighteenth century and were manned by Shudra recruits to protect matha endowments and its business interests as well as fight alongside regular armies of regional kingdoms.. Pinch’s work on ‘Warrior Ascetics’ traces the fascinating careers of the eighteenth century Dasnami Nagas, Anupgiri and Umraogiri.

The life of a sadhu-

Most sadhus undergo diksha or initiation into renunciation by their guru and thus become members of a sect. They serve their preceptor for a specific number of years. Most of them follow a daily regimen that includes yoga exercises, devotional worship and performing penances. [Gross 1992:118] Most sadhus are found in North India in the Himalayas, in forests or near small temples and pilgrimage sites as well as urban centers. Most sadhus are itinerant and move continuously from place to place. The ascetic itineracy according to Gross parallels their sectarian affiliations; essentially conforms to the annual pilgrimage system and the annual cycle of religious festivals [melas] has an economic and ecological base, is an adaptive means of survival and functions in the spread of religious teaching and sectarian doctrine. [Gross 1992:126] The main source of their economic support comes from pilgrims who give them ritual donations, make contributions to monastic institutions and often sponsor impressive bhandaras [Gross 1992:132]

Ascetics are drawn from various castes. The Dasanami sanyasins are divided into two main subsections the Dandi sanyasis recruit only from the Brahmin jatis but the Naga akharas recruit from the Kshatriya and Sat Shudra [clean Shudra] jatis also. [Gross 1992:145] Asat Shudra jatis as well as Dalits have been recruited into the Ramanandi sect. But these sit separately while meals are served. Only Brahmin Vairagis cook for all the sadhus. [Gross 1992:145] Sondra Hausner’s work ‘Wandering with Sadhus’ is an ethnographic work on contemporary sadhus in Nepal and India wherein cultural meanings of the material world espoused by the sadhus are examined.

The monastic organization-

Most sadhus live in monastic institutions belonging to their sampradaya. These are known as mathas. These are places where scholastic monks live, study and perform devotional and meditational activity. The akharas are places where militant or warrior ascetics live. These are distinct from the mathas and they have their own administrative setup. [Gross 1992:139]

The Dasanami sanyasi sampraday is the most centrally organized of the ascetic orders in India. The militant Naga section of the sect was established in medieval times to protect the Brahmin Dandi monks. Both trace their spiritual lineage to Adi Shankaracharya. But both live separately in their respective monastic institutions and administer their affairs. [Gross 1992:147] They have their headquarters in major Shaivite centers of Benaras, Hardwar, Prayag and Ujjain. Each akhara has its own tutelary deity from the Shiva pantheon, their own identifying flag, and weapon that is carried in procession and placed on campsites during the Kumbh mela. They recruit their own members and are governed by their own Shri Panch organization. In the Kumbh mela they maintain separate camps but are placed adjacent to each other. This is the time that new initiates are given Naga status and new officers are elected. This is also the time when new abbots or mahants are elected for each new akhara. [Gross 1992:149-150] The mahants maintain order in the monastery, adjudicate disputes, levy fines and oversee the properties of the akhara. Akharas also have a senapati or captains and kotwals of fort keepers reminiscent of their military past.

In the Vaishnava tradition the Ramanandi sect is the largest founded by Ramanand, a sanyasi of Ramanuja’s Shrivaishnava Sampradaya. They are divided into 36 separate branches called dwaras. Each dwara is named after its founder and is associated with a gadi or the main center where it is located. Most of their monasteries are located in Ayodhya, Allahabad, Benaras and Chitrakut. Ramanandi Bairagis too have a militant arm called the Naga bairagis or akharamallas who are distinct from the monks who live in Ramanandi mathas. William Pinch’s book Peasants and Monks in British India [1996] is an interesting read on the Ramanandi Tradition and one of the few works that concentrates on the relationship of monasticism and caste in colonial India

Ascetic belief systems-

The Shaiva sanyasi generally follow Shankaracharya’s teachings and regard the world as maya or illusion and an abode of suffering and hence reject of any reality or relevance while the Vaishnava sadhu following Ramanuja conceptualise the world as a manifestation of divine sport/play or lila. But both believe that to obtain salvation complete renunciation of the material world is necessary. Renunciation however they assert is not the end in itself but the means of attaining vairaga or the dispassionate state and ultimate freedom from samsara and cycle of rebirth or karma. [Gross 1992:216] As a necessary part of their renunciation is following brahmacharya that is celibacy, seminal retention and control of sexual energy. Salvation can thus be attained by either yoga sadhana in case of the Shaiva sadhus or through bhakti in case of the Vaishnava sadhus.

Practices and rituals-

Ascetic ritual practices cut across sectarian lines. One sect may concentrate on extreme physical austerities, another on performance of sacrifice, yet another will engage in scholastic textual pursuits or public preaching. Whatever differences in the practices the goal ultimately is to release the individual soul from worldly suffering and the round of rebirth. Some have daily rituals such as japa, sing kirtans, study scriptures, perform fasts, maintain silence or mauna and other austerities and give sewa or service to the society and guru. Corporate ascetic rituals include initiation, dhuni puja [fire worship], bhandaras, [ritual feeding of sadhus by wealthy lay patrons] julus, [or processions], encampments at religious festivals, celebrating guru purnima, monastic centered festivals and death ceremonies. Public rituals include kirtans, sacrifices, sammelans, pravachanas etc for the lay devotees. [Gross 1992:313] Carl Olson’s extensive work on the power of the ascetic to perform miracles, levitate, heal etc from textual sources is examined in his book ‘Indian Asceticism: Power, Violence, and Play’2015

Section II

Sufism in India-

Sufism [tassawuf] has been understood largely as Islamic mysticism that comprised a set of techniques to enable direct personal encounter with the divine. Recent scholarship has argued and regarded Sufism not only as a religion of an esoteric elite but also of the popular Muslim masses. Thus there has been a shift in ways of studying this tradition in its more collective and public character. More recent scholarship has looked at the histories of Sufi brotherhoods, the elaborate rituals and practices of the Sufis, the various saint cults and the rise of cult shrines, processes of shrine building and creation of hagiographical literature etc.

If we were to define what Sufism is we would refer to Nile Green’s work on Sufism. He notes ‘Sufis have generally followed the life ways of Islamic custom, offering regular formal worship [salah], keeping fasts in the holy month of Ramadan, and abiding by whatever form of sharia was observed in the community. They have also been the followers of certain supererogatory exercises such as chanting remembrances of god called dhikr; meditation or muraqaba on different aspects of the psyche and god; the cultivation of moral virtue [ihsan], through the observance of formal rules of etiquette [adab]; and the respectful interaction [suhba] with their master. Some groups of Sufis need the ritualized listening [sama] as means to reach ecstatic stated [ahwal] in which they were brought closer to god or the saints’. [Green 2012:8] All such practices according to Green had to be pursued under the direction of a master [murshid] who has been the recipient of the tradition and trained thus by his shaykh. Such masters and disciples grouped themselves together into brotherhoods called ‘tariqas’[paths].

Section II

The Sufi shaykh/Pir

A sufi shaykh/pir was a blessed man who either claimed descent from the prophet, his companions or other ashrafs, or a connection with a prestigious Sufi silsila [sufi brotherhoods] They were celebrated masters regarded as special intimates or ‘friends’ [awliya] of god. They are interfaces [barzakh] between the human and the divine worlds, serving as intermediaries between the ordinary believer and the celestial hierarchy of the saints, prophet and God [Green 2012: 9] They were regarded as having access to God’s divine qualities by way of their special knowledge [marifa] and their ability to work miracles [karama]. [Green, 2012: 9]

Richard Eaton’s study of the Sufis of Bijapur: Social Roles of the Sufis in India [1978] is an interesting study of the descendants of Sufis who controlled the tradition as well as the organization of the cult. Werbner has studied the cult of Zindapir, a Sufi saint of the Naqshbandiya order located in Lahore, Pakistan. Her central thesis in trying to understand why the Sufi saint becomes popular is to look at the ‘Charisma’ of the saint. She notes that it the ascetic practices and living a life of austerities as well as projected ideal of self denial and self mastery coupled with the ability for love and generosity that makes for a Sufi pir’s charisma. [Werbner 2003: 25] Pilgrimage therefore she posits to the saint’s dargah is thus for the Muslim essential for gaining access to the embodied charisma. [Werbner 2003:27]

Some of the important shaykh/pirs of various Sufi orders are discussed below. A silsilah was generally led by a prominent mystic who lived in a ‘khanqah’ or hospice along with his disciples. Here he lived with his disciples or murids. Every pir nominated a successor or ‘wali’ to carry on his work. [Chandra 2007: 188] In the khanqah the shaykh/pir was expected to live a life of austerities, create Sufi texts, and train his disciples. He was also expected to feed, accommodate, and attend to the material and spiritual needs of disciples and often numerous dependents: and to accommodate travellers as Islamic hospitality demands. The khulafa are in charge of districts or town centres of the cult. Each regional khalifa has sectional leaders under him. [Werbner 2003:20] The khanqah of Nizam Al Din also known as Hazrat Nizamuddin in New Delhi was also a centre of the literary life of the capital. [Digby 2010:134-5]

Sufi saints have also been known to be tamers of wilderness for human cultivation. One of the important functions of these Sufi orders was also to unite groups across tribal or caste divisions. They contributed to the reorganization of canal based agriculture in Sindh in the nineteenth century. In Bengal in the nineteenth century they were considered vanguards of new rice cultivation [Werbner 2003: 13]

History of Sufism in India-

Sufis had arisen in Islam at an early stage. Most of them were persons of deep devotion who were disgusted with the vulgar display of wealth and degeneration of morals following the establishment of the Islamic empire.

Some early Sufi preachers travelled to India to propagate their teaching in Sind and Punjab. An eminent Sufi Hujweri built a Sufi monastery or khanqah in Lahore. However most Sufi orders in India are contemporary with the Ghurid conquests [1148-1215]. The Chisti order was established in India by Muinuddin Chisti in 1192. Among his disciples were Bakhtiyar Kaki and his disciple Baba Farid. [Chandra 2007]The Suhrawardi order came to India in about the same time as the Chisti order but was prominent only in Punjab and Multan. The most important of the saints were shaykh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi and Hamid Ud-din Nagori. Lal Sahbaz Qalandar was instrumental in blending the teachings of this school with the Qalandari school. [Chandra 2007] Other important orders include the Naqshbandi, [16th c] the Qadiri [late 15th c] and the Shattari [15th c] orders.

Sufi saint cults-

A Sufi saint refers to a dead blessed man whose status has been sanctified through processes of shrine building, hagiographical writing, and ritual veneration. The persona of the saint, alive or dead, his very body, is believed by Sufi followers to irradiate divine sanctity. So powerful is this embodiment that merely to touch anything that has come into contact with the saint is to absorb some of its magical potency. Therefore the prostration of supplicants to the tomb of the dead saints, kissing his hands or the hem of his gown are undertaken to partake in that divine sanctity. [Werbner 2003: 11] Afsar Mohammad’s study ‘Festival of Pirs [2013] of Muharram in Gudugu village of Hyderabad shows how sites connected with the pir are transformed into theaters where public rituals are enacted.

Sacred centers known as dargahs are places of pilgrimage and ritual celebration, with the tomb of the founder being the focal point of the organization, a centre of veneration to which visitations [ziyarat] are made. The centre is regarded as sacred and protected, ‘haram’, a place of sanctuary for refugees from vengeance. Such shrines have regular ‘langars’ wherein thousands of pilgrims are fed. The pilgrims come with grain and animal offerings and in return take back caps and talismans from the shrine. Through his langar the saint is considered to be the great nurturer, the source of infinite generosity. [Werbner 2003:20] The shrines are managed by the sajjada nashins [descendants of the original saintly founder and guardians of the tomb] and other minor pirs.

Every shrine has its annual festival called the urs. The urs is a three day ritual festival commemorating the mystical ‘marriage’ of a deceased saint with God. The urs is the organizational hub of Sufi saints’ cults. The festival gathers together individual supplicants, pilgrims and disciples who visit the festival annually and cultivate a special relationship to the saint and the Sufi tariqa or order he founded. During the urs fairs emerge in the vicinity of the shrine. Qawwalis are sung in praise of the saint and thousands of pilgrims are fed. [Werbner 2003] For an understanding of interesting festivals at dargahs see Richard Eaton’s study of Baba Farid in Pakpattan /Ajodhan and Nile Green’s study of the pirs of Aurangabad and their local practices and festivals in his seminal work Indian Sufism since the Seventeenth Century: Saints, Books and Empire in the Muslim Deccan [2006]

Healing is an integral feature of all Sufi orders, the saint dead or alive is regarded as a great healer. Many come to the dargahs both as patients and as supplicants. The latter come with various requests such as seeking a job, birth of a child and a suitable partner. Sudhir Kakar presents a fascinating description of the pir of Patteshah dargah in Delhi who had many ailing patients, many of whom suffered from either neurotic problems or marital maladjustments. His own self-image as a healer was that of being a conduit to Allah and a channel for the divine force that did the actual work of healing. As he would say ‘I only knock at Allah’s door on your behalf. Whether he lets you in or not is a matter between you and him’. [Kakar 2011: 31] All such practitioners agree that it is important to possess soul knowledge or ilm –i- ruhani as well as soul force or ruhani takat to heal. This soul force is transmitted to the healer by his murshid.

Section III

Modern Godmen-

In post independence India a sudden influx of Godmen and women who claim divinity and claim to possess unique and distinct powers meant to influence their followers emerged. These are variously called as swami, gurus, shastris, bapus and bhagats. While some operate on local, district and national level others like ISKON, Rajneesh, Mahesh Yogi, Shri Shri Ravishankar and Baba Ramdev all operate internationally. [Mehta 1993:41]

They attract specific categories of people and espouse certain values and practices. Some of these include a sense of dependence on the guru who promote different techniques and procedures for their benefit. They have evolved a vast network of institutes, ashrams and complex organizational structures. They have amassed huge assets employing disciples to manage and run these institutes. Satya Sai baba controlled an empire of 40,000 crores which was revealed post his death. While baba Ramdev it is estimated has an empire of 1500 crores. They have access to media to evangelise worldwide. Some of them have acquired the structure of multinational corporations although their wealth has not been scrutinized by public/govt agencies. Godmen also have powerful network with political, economic and cultural organisations, bureaucrats, managers, industrialists, ministers and prime ministers. They are also involved in launching industries and other ventures, training courses for political leaders and business managers, and act as liaison persons in political and business matters. Many also indulge in political espionage, drug trafficking, smuggling and foreign exchange rackets and are alleged be involved in several types of crimes. [Mehta 1992] More recently Asaram Bapu and swami Nithyanand have both been arrested on charges of rape and sexual assault as well as murder. Many others have been charged with crimes such as sexual and physical assaults, and murders of ex-disciples and others who expose their activities.

Some of these godmen have been studied by Uday Mehta in his work on modern Godmen. He states that although these cults are rooted in an older Hindu philosophy of Vedanta the modern Godmen have presented ‘hybridized cults projecting their message to new members in a seemingly rational, secular, non sectarian manner.’[Mehta 1992:41] In the case of bhagvan Rajneesh he has mixed various school of Hindu, tantric, Buddhist and Jain philosophies and his therapy of free love and sex has gained much popularity in India and abroad.

Let us now look at the working of one such Institution founded by a Godman-

ISKCON- The International Society for Krishna Consciousness was founded by late Srila Prabhupada in 1966 in New York. It drew many followers from a society which was undergoing many changes. Largely seen against the background of counter cultural atmosphere of the 1960s, the society was able to attract a huge group of disenchanted American youth. [Mehta 1992:58] A large number of the early disciples were either drug traffickers or abusers, while many came from lower middle classes, with insecure backgrounds for whom the community life with its disciplined routine provided both economic and psychological assurance [Mehta 1992:81] It drew inspiration from the Chaitanya bhakti tradition of the fifteenth century. Singing bhajans and chanting Hare Krishna is considered as the sole means of salvation in this society. The society draws its intellectual inspiration from the Bhagvad Purana and the Gita.

Although the institution claims to exist for the spiritual benefit of its followers, many of its activities are purely economic. Some of its activities include running dairy farms, gurukuls, selling of books, calendars, running restaurants, guest houses and building temples and ashrams. This Uday Mehta claims is completely this worldly, mercenary and commercially oriented. [Mehta 1992:80]

The administrative set up of the Society includes a governing body made up of 25 of his disciples. Each temple had its own managing body, president, secretary and members. Some have described this organization as a large Multi–National Corporation. [Mehta 1992:55] It is difficult to assess the society’s holdings but there is substantial land and building as well as movable wealth owned by the society.

The society has seen intense power struggles among the gurus and the governing bodies, murders of devotees and the trials, expulsions, defamation cases, defections and formation of rival cults, smuggling, drug trafficking, adultery and sexual assaults and mafia style of operation and control of the organisation Sudhir Kakar analyses the reasons why Indians generally get attracted to Godmen. He states that the primary lure is the promise of a higher reality, full of miracles and a radical transformation of life and consciousness. Borrowing from the bhakti tradition the gurus generally expect total self-surrender from his followers that may include bodily prostrations, worshipping the footwear etc. The ideal disciple is expected to be quite child like unquestioning, of pure heart and possesses no rational enquiry. This surrender to the Godman is fostered by two great constructs of human imagination, idealization [you are great] and identification [you are great but I am a part of you]. Thus he states that Godmen in emphasising bhakti and surrender as well as rapturous love help banish ambiguities of thought and the agonisings of reason. Thus he surmises that ‘to ask why a person follows a Godman is to ask why a little boy puts on his father’s cap or a little girl tries to walk in her mother’s shoes’. [Kakar 2011]

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