22 Hindu Reform Movement

Rabi Prakash

Introduction

This module offers historical-sociological analysis of the intellectual movements of the 19th century India, which, as a set of organized efforts aimed to effectuate social and religious reforms in Hindu society. This module would provide an account of the social reform movements, introduced in the 19th century, and would place the argument that these movements need to be seen as the Hindu elites’ intellectual and social response to colonial discourse and its socio-cultural policy, informed and driven by the ideals and ideologies of the 19th century Europe. Further, it suggests that intellectual encounters between Indian elites and colonial discourse, in socio-cultural, religious and political domain be studied under the complex backdrop of emergent Indian nationalism and its concerns for existing social concerns (Heimsath, C. H., 1964).

The module also engages with the question of what the idea of ‘social reforms’ meant in the 19th century India. Towards that end, it suggests that the attempts of social reforms in India needs to be understood differently from the similar exercises and experiences of other modern societies, particularly the European ones. While, it may be argued that many societies in the 19th century Europe underwent through the process of re-organizing social structure with a view to re-imagine their social and political institutions to accommodate the hitherto socially and politically marginalized in a modern society, for the 19th century India, it meant the infusion of newer ways of life and modes of behavior in the existing social structure by the upper castes Hindus (Jones, K. W., 1989) Such initiatives were introduced gradually and were initiated only by the upper castes Hindu elites and thus, social change in India was, throughout the 19th century, based on the filtration of attitudes and modes of behavior from the upper layers of society to the lower ones (Chandra, B. 2008, Sarkar, S. 2001). The similar pattern of social change was later observed by M.N. Srinivas (1995) through his concept of ‘Sanskritization’ which explains how the lower castes people tend to emulate the practices and ideologies of upper castes as a means of upward social mobility.

It was only at the beginning of the 20th century with the growth of organized reform groups among the lower castes that the social basis of Hinduism i.e. caste system, came under question. Various social service institutions and political organizations took up the cause of the less fortunate groups and sought to lift India from the morass of caste tyranny. However, the changes of the 20th century are not part of this module and hence they would not be discussed in details here.

1. The Background of Social Reform Movements of the 19th Century

By the late 19th century, western ideas and their effects on social and political institutions in colonial India had made deeper penetrations. Colonial policies, by then, had greatly influenced almost all spheres of Indian life. In course of their unfolding, education, occupations, legal systems and social relations got redefined, and led Indian elites to deal with it intellectually, morally, and socially with the changes that they nurtured. Native society’s educational practices, legal systems, and above all, religious and social practices were put on for re-evaluation in contrast with the western ideas and ideologies. Nobody was better exposed to the western ideas, and changes in effects, than the Hindu elites of the 19th century. Their close encounters with the western ideas and values impelled them to take critical view at social and religious practices in their native society. The practices which offered the picture of contrast, in relation to the values subscribed by the western societies, also represented the markers of backwardness of Indian society (Mcdonald E.E. 1966). The rigid hierarchy of caste order, prevalent untouchability, precarious conditions of widows and women, child marriages, and unpractical and dogmatic restrictions on social and economic choices for the Hindus men were taken as the markers of backwardness of Hindu society as they also stood in contrast with the ideals of the western societies which largely claimed to uphold freedom of individuals to enable them to pursue their social and economic life. The emerging viewpoints on these markers of backwardness among the native Hindu elites are largely seen as the triggers for the Hindu social elites and social reformers to undertake reform activities in Hindu society which subsequently resulted into a series of social reforms movements (Kopf, D. 1969).

Raja Rammohan Roy, a member of influential Bengali Bhadrolok class in the early 19th century Bengal, emerged as the pioneer of the Hindu social and religious reform movements. He was not only well versed with the Indian traditions and its current social practices but had acquired sufficient grasp over the western societies; their history, social organizations, theology and religions. He was deeply impressed with their scientific and technological advances and political innovations made by them over the last few centuries (Robertson, B., 1995). He sought to adopt the western knowledge systems for mass education with a view to enable India to usher into a modern and technologically advanced society. At the same time, he was profoundly aware of the problems with the Indian society which, in his view was guided by the irrational and superstitious beliefs which, in turn, controlled the life and thinking capability of his native fellows. For him, the erstwhile Indian society was a result of decline and deterioration largely caused by the ‘illiterate pandits’ and self-seeking and greedy priests in Hindu society (Robertson, B., 1999). He felt that it was due to their undue control over the religious and social life of people that Indians were unable to produce any scientific and rational ideas to usher into a new age of science and rationality. With this view as a backdrop, he sought to unshackle Indian society from the clutches of the well-established priestly class of India. He soon realized this battle would require two things at the same time. One, making Indian classical knowledge, which authority the priests referred to, available to the masses to pose an intellectual challenge to these priestly classes, and the second, a social mobilization of like-minded people (largely newly emergent middle class Hindus in the colonial administration) to practice reformed ideas in their social life. Towards this end, he extensively engaged with traditional pandits to challenge the authority of their source of knowledge, by bringing out the more authentic accounts of Hinduism for public debate and at the same time, mobilized, the English educated and newly constituted middle class to embrace the rational and authentic ideas of Hindu society. With his ideas of reform, he worked pensively with the British administration to bring in the changes in the Indian society through promulgating laws for progressive social change.

The pioneering act of Ram Mohan Roy did not only launch the social reform movements of his time, but his method and the contents of reforms served as the standard template for social reforms movements for successive generations of social reformers. Beginning with Rammohan Roy, a series of reform movements set off in Bengal and other parts of India, often led by the Hindu elites.

2. The Precedence of social-religious reforms beyond the 19th Century

It would be erroneous to think that India was alien to the idea of reforms in Hindu society prior to the 19th century. Rather, the previous centuries were replete with religious reform movements when the enlightened saints and their followers, often much perturbed with the existing Brahmanical order and its socio-legal discsourse, had adopted critical stance over the practices in the Brahmanical Hindu society. In the period spanning from the early 13th to the 16th century, a strings of religious reforms movements, commonly known as ‘Bhakti movements’ blew up in the different parts of the erstwhile India often involving large number of people from the non-Brahmanical communities. The saint leaders of Bhakti movements did not only indulge into presenting philosophical critique of the doctrines of Brahmanical Hindu society and its corresponding rigid caste order, but they sought to imagine an alternative society free from the dogma of the Hindus sustained by Brahmanical dominance (Lele, J. 1981, and Lorenzen, D. L. 1995). Bhakti movements acquired the status of mass movement spearheaded by the saints like Kabir (1440-1518), Ramananda (1400-1476) Guru Nanak (14-69-1539) and Dadu Dayal (1544- 1603) among many others.

It must not be coincidental that these leading saints came from the lower castes. Rather, their emergence is seen as a historical response to all influential and discriminating Brahamanical order which was matured enough to seek a response from the non-Brahamanical communities. These saints presented social and philosophical critique of the existing hierarchical social order where the access to shastric knowledge was held hostage by the priestly class of Brahmins (Lorenzen D.N. 1995). Their attempts to draw an alternative way of spiritual emancipation through Bhakti rather than Gyana (knowledge) and Karma, as is popularly understood in Indian classical understanding as the marga (the path) of salvation.

In social domains, they attacked the Brahmanical doctrines and its practices for being oppressive and divisive for the common masses. The appeal of their teaching was immensely influential largely among the lower castes groups who followed these saints’ teachings and formed religious sects to be guided with their teachings (Iraqi, S. 1999). As a result, different sects and panths like Kabir Panths, Nanak Panthi, Dadu Panth came into being with a large number of followers. In their original conceptions, these sects sought to differ from the dominant Brahmanical order and supposedly based on the principle of spiritual egalitarianism. What is important to note here is that these sects emerging from Bhakti movements did not concern themselves reforming Brahmanical order, rather sought to establish sects which were much independent of Brahmanical order (Lorenzen,D.N. 1987). Though, these sects in due course of time were subsumed again in the fold of Brahmanical Hinduism.

It is indubitable that the entire Bhakti movements was, in a way, a revolt against orthodox Hinduism. However, as said above, one needs to recognize the fact that the undercurrents of the Bhakti movements were predominantly focused on its ‘spiritual egalitarianism’, and not so much on social action towards changing the social practices in the fold of Hinduism (Jones, K.W 1989). The Bhakti sects appears to have been founded with a view to provide a shared identity of a creed with common concerns of realization of individual salvations through Bhakti marga. It appears, consequently, that the appeal of Bhakti movements remained more at the emotional level than at rational one. Further, a narrative on ‘individual salvation’ did stray the potential for the cause of social actions towards social change and reforms.

What is important here is to note that Bhakti Movements being largely a religious reform movements was not a social reform movements as they were visualized in the 19th century.

The distinctive features of the Social reform movements of the 19th century can be identified with the following features; (a) Social reforms movements in the 19th Century were undertaken by the people who were economically privileged, and mostly came from upper caste Hindu communities educated in English and liberal traditions of western Europe and not by the Saints and religious reformers who declared themselves outside the social structure. (b.) Secondly, these movements were not driven with a view to offer alternative spiritual emancipation and ways to connect with God but to make adopt the modern social and religious principles prevalent in the western societies (Sarkar, S. Sarkar, T. 2008, Shah, G. 2004) These were defining features of these religious movements which distinguished these social movements with their contemporary religious movements in the 19th century which shares some of the traits of Bhakti movements. The Swami Narayana Sect and the Sanmargha Sangha of Mahatnia Ramalingam may be taken as example of the 19th century religious movements sharing the traits of the Bhakti movements. Shri Ramakrishna’s mystical preaching also made an effort to provide individual salvation for the people based upon the familiar narrative of Bhakti Movements. But none of these sects and their efforts are counted in social reforms movements.

A discussion on the nature of social reforms movements and their driving force may be undertaken in the next section.

3. The Social Reform Movements: Nature and the force behind

As said in the previous section, the approach of the Hindu social reform movements of the 19th century did not concern itself with the religious dedication. Largely conceived under the influence of Western encounters, the basic premise of social reforms rested upon the western concepts of individualism, natural rights and social efficiency (Sarkar, S. & Sarkat T. 2008, Mcdonald, E.E. 1966). Further, it derived motivation from the power of rationalism and positive social ethics. The fact that it neither invoked religious doctrines nor appealed to the priestly castes for support the cause of reforms suggests that they did not identify themselves with religious reforms movements. Their overarching concerns remained change in the social practices in Hindu society. Towards this end, they adopted the western methods of organization, and propagation and sought support mainly from the English educated classes (Sen. A.P, 2004).

As it is clear from the argument above, one of the motivating factors for social reform movements came from cultural and intellectual encounters with western ideas. The second major factor contributing to the social reform movements came from the activities of Christian missionaries (Sen, A. P. 2004). Christian missionaries through their arduous efforts in education, printings and social service presented an image of contrast with the existing practices of Hindu priestly castes and gave the impressions that it is Christianity which must have played important role in social and scientific progress in the European societies (Ali M.M. 1964).

Notwithstanding, the apparent derivations from western ideas and social ideals, the social reforms movements of the 19th century was much of a home grown enterprise (Panikkar, K. 2002, Cohn, B.S. 1996). It relates more with the inspiration, the ideas and the motivations of the reformers themselves. While earlier religious reformers were prompted by love for the lower castes, these modern reformers saw the incompatibility of particular practices with the total progress of society. The questions of modernization worked as central concern for these reformers (Kopf, D. 1969). Their attempts to ‘rationalise’ the Hindu religion was largely directed to complement to the overall development of Hindu society. Towards this end, they resorted to interpretation of Hinduism towards claiming that essential doctrines of Hinduism is complementary social changes they deemed required (Kopf, D. 1979).

Social reforms movements from the early 19th century to the early 20th century interacted with the anti-colonial movements of the 19th century, though constituted separate and clearly distinguishable traditions to lay the intellectual foundations for the emergence of nationalism (Van Der Veer, P. 2001). It is the idea of nationalism which acted as the most potent force behind the social reform movements. Hindu social reform movements drew upon many of the progressive social policies and legislative power of the colonial administration to implement some of the progressive ideas emerging from the prevailing discourse on the ideals of liberalism and utilitarianism in the British administration. The colonial administration’s policies helped emerge a class of native social elites who had acquired economic well beings, but continued to be treated as second-grade subjects in the view of the colonial administration (Kumar. K. 1992). These economically well off members of Hindu society did not receive their second grade treatment due to their social and religious backwardness without a sense of humiliation. Further, these native elites who were impressed with the technological and epistemic superiority of the Europeans also found that the part of the reasons for their economic and technological advancement lied with the fact that their society and religions were organized on the principles of human dignity, individual freedom, and egalitarianism (Leach, E. R., & Mukherjee, S. N. 1970, Hatcher, A. 1996, 2007).

Scholars have seen the growth of social reform movements in the above mentioned period in three stages. The first stage which is inaugurated with Raja Rammohan Roy is largely marked with the efforts on the part of enlightened individuals to order their personal lives in accordance with standards adopted from the western society (Kopf D. 1969).

The onset of the second stage is marked by the formation of subnational groups and the growth of a new desire for unity between the scattered and culturally diverse social groups. Politically, this was the period when the first glimmer of nationalism appeared on the subcontinent. With the turn of the century, social reform came to mean a regeneration of the traditional spirit of the nation — a regeneration founded on religious revival and cultural xenophopia (Heimath, C.H. 1969, Jones, K.W. 1976)

The third stage is marked when the social reforms movements is merged with the rise of Hindu nationalism where the Hindu revivalism is identified with political nationalism and defined in terms of Hindu nationalism (Jaffrelot C. 1999).

3. The Nature of Indian Nationalism

By 1870s, there had already emerged a new stage in the modern development of Indian intellectual life. No longer was a social protest confined to individual revolts against established patterns of conduct. With the building up of the infra-structure of social mobility— a rapidly growing system of communication, the expansion of educational facilities and the increase in the number and circulation of newspapers — a new set of group loyalties began to sweep over the various sections of the educated populace. Thus it was that the first glimmer of national consciousness began to appear on the Indian intellectual horizon (Seal, A. 1971, Heimsath, C.H 1964, Desai, A. 1968).

Discussing the emergence of nationalism in India, Heimsath refuses to give credence to the assumption that it was a logical-historical outgrowth of the 19th century political reform activities. Nor is it accurate, he believes, to suggest that Indian rationalism was a single and unified movement. In fact, he maintains that what we term Indian nationalism consists actually of a congeries of several separate nationalisms. The reason for this, he argues, was that the subcontinent had few if any of the preconditions which bring a single nation into being.

What developed as Indian nationalism, Heimsath says was actually a myth based on consciously propagated ideas and one which was more a product of the personal preferences of the so-called nationalists than an enunciation of social realities. He believes that once this was done, through a process of rationalisation, an attempt was made to relate this myth to shared religious, linguistic and geographic identifications. In short, the author suggests that there was nothing spontaneous about the appearance of nationalism in India; it was consciously and carefully contrived by an “eminent company of intellectuals” ( Heimsath,C.H. 1969 p 135).

However, A. R Desai, argues that the early nationalists had a shared social background which largely constituted of upper castes Hindus, and were equipped to take advantage of educational and professional opportunities made available by the colonial regimes by virtue of their privileged background. However, he does not disagree with the fact the growth of Indian nationalism was a kind of self-conscious political choice made by these nationalists.

4. Social Reformers and Social Reform Movements

More than any other Indian of his generation, Rammohan Roy saw the need for a rational social basis for Hinduism. Roy began with Atmiya Sabha in 1815 where he posed polemical challenge to his compatriots over the questions of rationality and natural social order. He also pursued these questions among the wider Bengali audiences through his paper Samvad Kaumudi launched by him subsequently. Atmiya Sabha later metamorphosed into Brahmo Samaj with greater mandate, and wider social participation, and Samvad Kaumudi led him to try out hands in extensive public writings on different issues affecting Indian society in face with colonial regimes. Through these efforts Roy was able to enlist support for reform measures such as the abolition of ‘sati’ and ‘kulinism’ and the introduction of widow remarriage (Robertson, B. 1995)

Overall, Roy’s efforts of problematizing of Hindu traditions and the way of rationalizing the Hindu traditions were taken up by other enlightened individuals in Bengal, Bombay and Madras. In Bengal, Ishwarehandra Vidyasagar shattered the very core of orthodoxy by his monumental crusade for widow remarriage (Hatcher, BA. 1996). In Bombay Vishnu Shastri Pandit sought governmental sanction for the same, while in Madras the cause was taken up by Viresa Lingam Pantulu with the formation of the Rajamundhry Social Reform Association.

To mention some of the leading lights of the social reform movement in western India, there were Balgangadhar Shastri Jambhekar, the founder of the Bombay Darpan, Mahadev Govind Ranade, who founded Prarthana Samaj and the ebullient literary social critic Gopal Hari Deshmukh Lokahitwadi A prominent champion of social reform also include Mehtaji Mancharam and Narmada Shankar. On the practical level, there was Jyotiba Phule, an ardent reformer and social worker, and Karsondas Mulji.

4.1 Social Reform Movement in Bengal: The Case of Raja Rammohan Roy and Brahmo Samaj

Rammohan Roy emerged as pioneer of social reform movements in the early 19th century. He did not only take on existing religious practices in Hinduism which were largely guarded by the priests who promoted superstition and imposed the religious doctrines on people rigidly. He began to write against such practices of superstitions and dominance of Hindu priests who devised religious doctrines in their own interests. He wrote a book Tuhfat-ul-Muwahhidin (A Gift to Monotheists) in 1804 to attack the practices and ideologies of the Hindu priests. He continued to fight against the practices and beliefs in the Hindu religion as it were practiced in those days. He sought to establish the original essence of Hinduism which according to him were provided in the ancient Indian texts of Vedas and Upanishads. He sought to reform the Hinduism towards making it a more monotheistic religion. His analysis of Hinduism suggested it was the lack of monotheistic theology in Hinduism which promotes hierarchy among its believers. Since, there is hierarchy among gods and their religious believers that provides priests and religious interpreters more opportunities to spread superstitions. He sought to establish that Hinduism be considered as a monotheistic religion which has one central God and based upon his readings of the ancient Indian texts, he conclude that Brahma is the supreme God of Hinduism and he is the only authority in the Hinduism. Towards that he tried to mold Hinduism by establishing Brahmo Samaj which assumed that Brahma be considered the supreme God in Hinduism. He also sought that Brahmans and Upanishads be considered the authentic source of knowledge in Hinduism. He did not only translate some Upanishads in Bengali and English to make it accessible for the public in general, but also challenged the Brahmins and pandits for their incorrect understanding of India’s shastra and Hindu society (Joshi, V. 1975, Robertson, 1998).

Brahmo Samaj

Having come on this conclusion that the early and the ancient Hinduism were as monotheistic as the ‘Religions of the Book’, Rammohan and his Bhadroloks compatriots were persuaded to go back to the original Hinduism. There were already many instances when it was demonstrated that ancient classical and religious literatures could be the source of modern and progressive laws. These instances were persuasive enough for this new class that monotheistic Hinduism would serve the need for politico -legal discourse of modern times.

The churning for a monotheistic religion culminated with setting up Brahmo Samaj– the Society of the Worshippers of the Brahma- the Supreme Being in 1828. The inauguration of the society was witnessed by 500 Indians, and few Europeans. The leadership of the Society was largely in the hands of Bhadroloks leader like Dwarkanath Tagore, Kali Nath Munshi and Mathuranath Mullick. The society was run by a set of trustee who shared the responsibility. It was an inaugural attempt towards coming up with a new Hinduism which was essentially monotheistic, it had no place for orthodox priests, it did not endorse any kind of idolatrous practices, and polytheistic beliefs. It seems to be conceived as a religion which would treat all the believers as equal under the One- Supreme beings. Brahmo Samaj culminated from a series of attempts being made by a set of passionate Bhadroloks. An institutional precursor to the Brahma Samaj was Atmiya Sabha, initiated in 1815 under the leadership which was attempt to engage with monotheistic beliefs through reading and reciting the scriptures, poems, and discussing the present state of religious practices in Hinduism. That, this society was committed to the belief of monotheism was clear from some of the hymns and anthems of the Sabha which were collectively recited in the meetings of Atmiya Sabha. Later, these hymns were regarded as Brahmo Sangeet. (Sastri, S. 1974, Kopf. D. 1979)

Most of these hymns were composed by Rammohan himself. One of his famous compositions “Man ki Bhranti tomar’ asks how can you blunder, my heart, by welcoming or wishing goodbye to God who is everywhere and ever present. Another song- Ki swadeshi ki Pradeshi says “ either at home or abroad, I live here and there and I see you everywhere in the middle of your own creation, As each moment declares your glory through space and time, I see you everywhere.

It is clear that these songs were the prayers of individuals in which he/she addresses the supreme beings. They are also reflective of a long quest for monotheism. The fact that this society committed to worship the only one God- the Supreme Being- the Brahma were declared in their Trust Deed itself, which made it clear that the church would do for the worship and adoration of ‘Eternal Unsearchable and Immutable’ being who is the author and preserver of the universe (Robertson B. , 1995, p. 105). It clearly stated that the church would not be used to worship ‘any particular Being or Beings, nor would it admit any graven image stature of sculpture painting, picture, portrait, or the likeness of anything (ibid). The Brahmo Samaj did not only declare itself as monotheistic in its belief, but even in practice, they tried to be non-idolatrous, and anti -superstitious. Though, there were a long precursor to the setting up of Brahmo Samaj, after coming into its existence, it invited a lot of rebuttal and hostility from the conservatives Hindu religious leaders (Kopf, D. 1979). The people who associated with Brahmo Samaj faced a kind of social boycott from the traditional Brahmins priests. However, it resulted into the conflict between an emerging new class and status quoist old class (ibid).

As it is hinted above, by founding Brahmo Samaj, the new class of Bhdroloks tried to make a statement that India being a Hindu nation needs to find its sovereign and its ‘Sovereign’ needs to be Brahma- the creator of the Universe. This act may be seen as parallel to Luther who said that a Christian is a free lord of all, subject to none. A Christian is perfectly dutiful servant of all, subject to all.

For Luther, being a Christian itself was enough to claim equality and individual agency. It was possible to conceive such an agency for Christian as they were all equal before the God. By launching a monotheistic religion, Bhadroloks class too considered that they would cultivate a Hindu who can also claim equality before their supreme being. In many respects, it was to draw a parallel with western social and religious practices that Hinduism by being reimagined by these Bhadrolok class led by Rammohan Roy.

The reform process started by Rammohan Roy was later carried forward by different leaders of Brahmo Samaj especially Debendranath Tagore who founded Tattwabodini Sabha in 1839, but merged it with Brahmo Samah and Keshub Chandra Sen and Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar. Keshub Sen’s efforts led to legalize marriage solemnized by non-religious body. Government passed an act Native (Civil) Marriage Act in 1872. Notably, Vidyasagar was proactively involved in girl’s education, widow re-marriage, and education for the poor. He was a staunch supporter of women’s education and helped establish the first girls’ school for girls in 1849. Later as Inspector of Schools, he opened a number of schools for Girls in the district under his charge. His most enduring contribution lies in his efforts to deliver widow’s conditions. Against the background of orthodox society, he openly advocated widow remarriage which subsequently grew in a strong movement and finally led to the passage of Widow Remarriage Act 1856.

4.2 Social Reforms movement in Western India:

In later half of the 19th century, western India witnessed a host of social reforms activities largely led by the Hindu elites who got educated in western education at Bombay University and other institutions associated with colonial regimes. Their efforts tried to bring about changes in Hindu society by providing education to lower castes, women, and marriages of widows. Besides, social efforts, these reformers of western India engaged in writing and producing social critiques of social and religious practices in Hindu society. Most of these reformers engaged to break down the religious orthodox practices and rules, considering them as sings of backwardness. The most important thinkers who initiated an intellectual revolt against the social discrimination were Bal Shastri Jambhakar (1812-1846), Dadoba Pandurang Tarkhadkar (1814-1882), and Bhaskar Pandurang Tarkhadkar (1816-1847), Gopal Hari Deshmukh popularly known as Lokhitwadi (1823-1882) and Vishnu Bhikaji Gokhale (1825-1873) popularly known as Vishnubawa Brahmachari.Among In the latter half of the 19th century, the most notable intellectuals who spearheaded social reform movement were Pandit Vishnu Parasuram Shastri (1827-1876), Jyotiba Phule (1827-1890), R.G. Bhandarkar (1837-1925), Narayan Mahadev Paramanand (1838-1893) M.G. Ranade (1842-1901), Vishunasastri Chiplankar (1850-1882), K.T. Telang (1850-1893) Ganesh Vasudev Joshi (1851-1911), Narayan Ganesh Chandravarkar (1855-1923) and Gopal Ganesh Agarkar (1856-1895).

Most of them contributed to social reform programmes in different ways mostly concerned about the state of backwardness in the native society. The question of caste hierarchy, status of women, education, and prevailing superstition remained common concerns for these reformers.

The earliest society which was founded in 1840s was Parmahana Society which largely functioned to break the caste taboos and demolish all caste distinctions. It was secret society. These social reformers also tried to practice the progressive steps in their personal life. Lokhitvadi, a Brahmin by birth, employed a Muslim cook in his house. Vishny Parasuram Shastri Pandit, who supported widow re-marriage started Vidhva Vivah Uttejaka Mandal in 1856 and married himself a widow in 1875. Mr. Bhandarkar performed his widow daughter’s marriage in 1891.

To deal with larger questions of religious beliefs and superstitions involved, M.G. Ranade started Prarathana Samaj which actively preached monotheism and denounced priestly domination and caste distinction.

Besides, their efforts involved writings fiercely against the caste and dogmatic and orthodoxical practices of priestly classes. Chiplankar started a Marathi magazine called Nibandhmala in 1874 devoted to the cause of social reform, which was followed by many writings and periodicals.

The anti-Brahmin movements was led in Maharashtra in the 1870s by Jyotiba Phule with his book, Ghulamgiri (1872) and his organization, the Satyasodhak Samaj (1873) which strongly pleaded for saving the lower castes from the hypocritical Brahmins and their opportunistic scriptures. (Phule, J. 2002)

4.2 Social Reform Movement in North India: The Case of Arya Samaj and Dayananda Sarasawati

An important characteristic of the activities of the reformers of western India was their conscious effort to imbue public opinion with their rationalism. As against the dramatic unconventionality of the Bengali Reformers, in Bombay there was no complete break with traditional society; rather what was sought was a practical adjustment of religious convictions and social behaviour toward a more open and egalitarian basis.

Totally different was the impact of Swami Dayanand Sarawasati who founded Arya Samaj 1875 and soon spread in Northern India. Dayananda was not rationalist trained in western education, rather he was trained at Brahanical system of traditional learning at Mathura in his early years. He learnt western ideas through his own efforts and largely with an aim to denounce them. Dayanand combined in himself several paradoxical dements. Extremely conservative in his thought and beliefs, sometimes to the point of obscurantism, yet astonishingly revolutionary in his attitudes and actions, Dayanand typifies a complex reaction to western influence, rejecting the existing caste basis of society, the interior status of women and the system of child marriages, he called for a vigorous programme of social reform aimed not so much at westernising the Hindu religion as in reviving the glory of the Vedic religion (Llewellyn, J. E., & Llewellyn, J. S. 1993). What Dayanand sought was not to help individuals attain

personal salvation by isolating themselves from society; he was interested in the salvation of society by means of individual self-assertion and the amelioration of social evils (Jones K.W. 1968).

Of considerable relevance was the effect of Dayanand’s militant: spiritutialism upon the emergence and development of extremist nationalism in India. By bringing the dynamism of the past to vivify the modern mould, Dayanand blazed the trail for the extremists in two significant respects: (1) His own deep-rooted xenophobia was carried on to the subsequent generations and served to inspire the militant anti-British temper of extremist politics at the turn of the century. (2) Connected to this was Dayanand’s idea that history could be interpreted in order to justify social action. This attitude was closely followed by Tilak in his interpretation of the Geeta and Savarkar in his interpretation of the ‘Indian War of Independence’.

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