34 Consuming Religion in the 21st century

Rupali Sehgal

Introduction

We will start the module by discussing the trajectories of globalization, post industrialization and neoliberalism because as Mihir Shah (2008) has also pointed out, these processes (typical of the 21st century) have to be understood with reference to ‘class’ that does not detach itself from the other axes of power like religion, nationalism, ethnicity, gender and caste. What Shah probably means to say is that social elements like caste and religion have gained an impetus with the transformations brought in the class structure by neoliberal ideology in the 21st century. For instance, the link between the rise of the new middle classes after economic liberalization in India or what Meera Nanda (2009) argues for – the consolidation of Hindu nationalism as the Indian economy globalizes. Also the way upward mobility of certain castes fuelled communal violence in Gujarat (Shani 2007) but not in Tamil Nadu (Chari 2004; De Neve 2006) shows the inextricable link between economy and dynamic social entanglements that the ‘class’ has. This point intrigues us to think whether the 21st century shift is purely economic? Does it not entail cultural changes, like for instance change in the belief system? A critical social science inquiry on 21st century global economic processes therefore, demands for an analytical account of the cultural factors and politics embedded in those processes. That is why we shall start by looking at the economic side of 21st century and then some of the socio –cultural shifts it brought about. However, our main focus shall be on the repercussions of these processes in regard to consuming a religion.

This module is made up of three section. In section one, we deal with the brief overview of changes and concerns in the 21st century. In section two, we look at how religion gets transformed into a consumerist enterprise under a neo-liberal social order. Finally, in section three, we look at how processes of cultural homogenization and cultural heterogenization have affected religion in the age of globalization.

Section-I

A brief overview of changes and concerns in the 21st century

21st century is marked by some gigantic social changes in the world like rise of global economy accentuated by ‘hyper – capitalism’ (Scholte 2005) and neo liberalism which is more global, more entrenched and more exploitative (Nanda 2009). The third world countries are competing rigorously in the global market and many of these, like China has successfully carved out a niche in the global market. Industrialization has led to the rapid rise of BRIC economies which give competition to an American-lead hegemony in the world economy. Besides, with the advent of neoliberal culture and increase in the power of private corporate we experienced a tremendous growth in the digital telecommunication market and cheaper availability of the technology. Advances in technology and transportation, the expansion of capitalism, free trade agreements and democratic rights have resulted in unprecedented global changes which have caused noticeable economic and cultural shifts in the world. David Held and Hanrietta Moore (2008) give vivid accounts of how cultural technologies engender social transformations in the 21st century. Their work examines how the financing and political involvement of cultural organizations in globalized world of 21st century shape the nature of cultural production and cultural flows. They argue:

“People’s values, aspirations and expectations are changing; their symbols, life ways and ideals are altering; and their identities, self understandings and perspectives are being transformed. Cultures have never been static, but the scale of change, its interconnected and media mediated nature are new.” (Pp. 77)

Concerns of the 21st century

The deepening global concerns about the burgeoning inequality in the 21st century are vocal in many writings. Piketty (2013) shows that the number of dollar billionaires has risen ten-fold times from 140 in the late 1980s to 1400 by 2010. Roger Burrows recites that the number of ‘net high worth individuals’ (defined by having over $1 million to invest) has risen 60% in just six years and now includes around 13.7 million people across the globe1. P. Sainath (2011) says that in the recent time, almost everything an upper middle professional would own has become drastically cheaper – from mobile phones, computer sets, air conditioners, flight tickets to cars but for a marginalized, like the domestic help in his house, the basic necessities like

1 (http://discoversociety.org/2014/12/01/focus-social-change-in-the-21st-century-the-new-sociology-of-wealth-elites/)

rice, electricity and water became 300 to 600 percent more expensive. The distribution of modern technology is also not uniform – for about 20% of the world’s population in 2012 still lacked access to electric power, with many more having only intermittent or poor access2.

Another concern is the inadequacy of neoliberalism and its uneven implementation across different sections of people. Examples of advances in the global institutionalization of finance, trade regulation and governance which can be seen in the forms of International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank and the World Trade Organization (WTO), control the world’s financescapes (Appadurai 1990). They even persuade many developing countries into reshaping their ‘development regimes’ (Ludden 1992). However, Corbridge and Harris (2003) in their study show that neoliberal policies that reshaped parts of Indian economy were neither necessary nor external to the corporate interests of India’s postcolonial capitalist classes. Therefore, experiences and social arrangements with neoliberal capitalism are significantly uneven across India. Daniel Munster and Christian Strumpell (2014) bring ethnographic accounts exploring local and regional effects of transformations brought by neoliberalism. They highlight the unevenness and variegation with which neoliberal ideas are experienced among Dalits, workers, and adivasis in India.

The rapidity associated with the globalized world has also led to the ‘fetishism of the production’ (Appadurai 1990) which means that the locality where the production is carried out (could be a local factory or site of production in a foreign land) becomes a fetish because it disguises the globally dispersed forces that actually drive the production process. This concerns the producers as a product is divorced from its production. That is, it forgets the origin of an item as the product of human and labor and instead reifies it as an autonomous object. The 21st century industrial mass production as well as globalization is alienating the producer and the consumer from their creativity.

Section-II

Neo – liberalism and religious Consumerism

The prime motive behind the adoption of neoliberal policies was the removal of class inequality by freeing market and trade from state intervention. However, we observe the disparity between the ideology of neoliberalism and the practice of neoliberalism (Harvey 2005). Transformationalists (Held and Mc Grew 2003) or radicals look at the epochal changes with the coming of neoliberal capitalism in the 21st century. There is a continuing shift in focus from production to consumption at an unprecedented level. Appadurai (1990) talks of ‘fetish of the consumer’. Agency and choice of consumer is an interesting point, he flags off. He argues that agency is falsely assumed by the consumer, who is in fact merely a commodified pawn that is identified and manipulated by the producer and production process. Appadurai then cites global advertising as a medium which has driven people to consumers. So, are we buying products because we actually want them or are we simply playing into a production scheme to maximize the producer’s profits? At this juncture, it’s pertinent that we look into the commodification of religion and how the religious industry is commercialized. Jeremy Carrette

2 (http://www.forbes.com/sites/statoil/2015/02/17/how-microgrids-could-bring-electricity-to-1-5-billion-people/#2b93d8529133)

and Richard King (2005) argue convincingly that a consumer capitalist mentality has thoroughly penetrated the world religions. On the similar lines, York (2010) also says that in the present age where flow of information is taking place at an enormous speed, the rate of religious consumerism has also been accelerated. There is an upsurge of religious ‘mass industry’- a phenomenon exclusive to industrialization and neo – liberal globalized economy. Here, thought of Frankfurt School especially Walter Benjamin (1970) and Theodor Adorno (1991) needs a special mention because both look at the mass industrial productivity with a critical lens. Benjamin argues that with the possibility of mechanical production of art forms like Monalisa painting, the art loses its authority and authenticity – which he famously calls ‘aura’ of an art. The art object is also severed from the domain of tradition. For instance, he says that statues of Venus for Greeks was a ceremonial object destined to serve in a cult but when art came to be mediated by technology, the Venus statue lost its ‘aura’. Similarly, can we argue that mechanical reproduction of artistic and religious objects in the 21st century has impacted people’s modes of reception and consumption pattern? The markets are flooded with ‘religious commodities’ on the eve of Christmas, Diwali, Eid – ul Fitr and so on. Has it also disconnected us from the ‘aura’ of religion or is it simply heading towards democratization of cultural production of religious objects? Benjamin would say although mechanical reproduction of religious art democratizes cultural production as it becomes available to people from all sections of society but its authenticity ceases to be applicable. Adorno, on the other hand would argue against the commercial character of cultural products. When religious forms become a commodity to be sold in the market, its essence is commercially exploited. The work of creation turns out to be an event of consumption consecrated through fashion and media advertisements. For instance, some influential jewelers like Tanishq or Kalyan give splendid advertisements on Diwali festival to mousetrap customers. Advertisement taglines like ‘Gift your loved ones sterling silver gifts this Diwali’ or ‘this Christmas lets make the people that make us feel good, feel good’ fascinate people to the extent, that Adorno would argue they obscure the real needs of people. He says:

“Advertising becomes information when there is no longer anything to choose from, when the recognition of brand names has taken the place of choice, when at the same time the totality forces everyone who wishes to survive into consciously going along with the process. This is what happens under monopolistic mass culture” (pp 85)

The role of state towards inseminating religion

When we talk about neoliberalism and globalization in the 21st century, we should not talk about it just in pure economic terms as mentioned earlier; functioning of an economy cannot be understood disassociated from the social and cultural world in which it is embedded. This idea was first propounded by Karl Polanyi (1944) who took a substantivist approach and explained how economic institutions or organizations and ultimately the economy as a whole, need to be understood as parts of larger, historically derived social structures. In this way, can we argue that the relationship between the cultural ethics of ascetic Protestantism and the emergence of the modern capitalism, as Max Weber (1930) has argued holds relevance here?

The state’s topmost priority under the regime of neo – liberal globalization is to facilitate the smooth running of the markets. Meera Nanda (2009) talks about ‘state temple corporate’ complex whereby private companies and religious leaders in collaboration with the government enter into the profit maximization endeavor. For instance, the newly invented rituals like gold car in temples of Tamil Nadu or the reenactment of the Shiva and Parvati wedding are simply money making processes by befooling the devotees. Such endeavors are carried out with the assistance of the government which is also, in a way, trying to consolidate a particular belief system. To abide by a particular religion in the 21st century should also be seen in the light of state sponsored idea of religion (Nanda 2009). State may, clandestinely reinforce a particular belief system through education or other means. For instance, Nanda reports how under the previous BJP administration, the UGC had approved BA and even MA and Ph.D level courses in subjects like Vedic astrology and had pushed for courses in vastu shastra and karmakanda. New priest training schools and deemed universities are mushrooming which produce English – speaking, computer – using pujaris, astrologers, vaastu shastris and other providers of religious services.

Section-III

Religion and Globalization

The central problem of the global interactions in 21st century is the tension between cultural homogenization and cultural heterogenization (Appadurai 1990). He argues what these arguments fail to consider is that the process of indigenization is also possible when various metropolises are brought into new societies. For instance, Japanization for Koreans or Indianization for Sri Lankans. Another example could be, Toba – Batak, a tribal clan in Sumatra which has adopted Hinduism. The ethnic groups in mainland and insular Southeast Asia have been exposed to relatively intensive Indian cultural influences; therefore Indianization of South east Asian culture is a process of indigenization. To further illustrate with religious examples, Caribbean Pentecostal Churches, Nigerian ‘Aladura’ Churches or branches of the Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa in Britain and Ghanaian Pentecostal churches are so different from any British religious institution (Lehmann, 2004). The new global cultural economy therefore, has to be understood as a complex, disjunctive order. Appadurai (1990) therefore, proposes a framework for exploring the relationship between five dimensions of global culture. The first is ethnoscape, which is constituted by tourists, immigrants, exiles, guest workers or refugees who appear to affect the politics of nations. This is not to be confused with migration which happened earlier too. The people in 21st century could move and migrate as a consequence of shifts in the needs of international capital, technology or government policies. A transfer of culture and customs across borders is possible by ethnoscapes. The second is technoscape, which means movement of mechanical and informational technology across the borders and the ability of such technology to move at rapid speeds. This is due to the technology which is able to maneuver the physical boundaries. Technoscapes bring about new types on cultural interactions and exchanges through the power of technology. It may also lead to revivalism and fortification of religion. In this respect, Bryan Turner (2007) states that:

“Islamic revivalism in Asia is related to the improvement in transportation that has allowed many Muslims to travel to Mecca, and return with reformist ideas” (pp 163)

Financescape, means the rapid functioning of currency markets and national stock exchanges. The movement of money is so mysteriously fast that it’s now difficult to follow it than ever before. Mediascapes refer both to the distribution of the electronic capabilities to produce and disseminate information in the form of newspapers, T.Vs, films, etc. It allows distant cultures to view each other. It might create an image of a distant culture that could be skewed or narrow sighted. For instance, we see an expansion of T.V channels in India like Aastha, Sanskar, MH1 Shraddha, Bhakti TV and God Asia which are purely religious channels created for the purpose of strengthening and the fortification of religious values. Lastly, Ideoscapes are also series of images, but they are often political and frequently, have to do with the ideologies of states and the counter ideologies of socio – political movements. These include ideas, terms and images including freedom, welfare, rights, sovereignty and democracy. The globalization of religion in the twentieth century has strong connections with the evolution of a global business ethic and global corporations. One aspect of the Appadurai’s global religioscape is the adoption and adaptation of religions to the social needs of new middle classes. For instance, in the Welsh countryside of Great Britain, Turkish migrants have brought their ‘whirling dervishes’ to village life, where the local inhabitants are made to believe that whirling is psychologically good for them. Yoga practices from Hinduism have been widely adopted in the West where practice is stripped of its spiritual significance and developed merely as a meditation technique. Such flows of religious beliefs in the globalized world also threaten to denude them of their authentic meaning and significance.

Lehmann (2004) says that the interaction of religion and globalization seems to change boundaries in two ways: one, which he calls cosmopolitan, brings old practices to new groups in new settings – a variant of disembedding. For instance, reshaping of Eastern religion outside Asia in the form of transcendental mediation, yogic breathing practices, etc. The other variant, which he calls global, extends and intensifies transnational links among groups similar in their practices and creates tightly knit communities of people. For example, Pentecostals, the pietist Muslim revival movement Tablighi Jama’at and ultra-Orthodox Jewish sects and cultures.

With the kind of developments that are listed above, we shall now place the role of religion in 21st century and how it has been influenced by the global economic changes.

Fengangg Yang (2005) in his study illustrates the impacts of the market, globalization and political repression upon the converts in urban China. He gives examples from the life history of three interviewees who had bitter experiences in the market and business but saved with conversion to Christianity. The religion offered the yuppies a sense of individual freedom, civility, responsibility and status in urban China. Christianity became accessible during the process of China’s market transition and global integration. He argues:

“Eating at McDonald’s or speaking English does not make a person American. Similarly, becoming Christian does not make a Chinese a westerner. However, in a symbolic sense, adopting Christianity and eating at McDonald’s make the Chinese feel they have gained an equal footing with the Americans and other westerners as modern world citizens” Pp. 438)

Christianity perceived as modern, cosmopolitan and universal by the Chinese is a mode of salvation, peace and comfort amongst the market turmoil which globalization has engendered. By converting into Christianity ‘they also gain a sense of participating in the new and glamorous dimensions of contemporary cultural change without exposing themselves directly to the vagaries of the global market.’ (pp 439)

Filippo Osella and Caroline Osella (2009) study the articulations between politico – religious orientations (like Islamic reformism) and economic practice of contemporary forms of capital accumulation among the Muslims of Kerala and Gulf. The influence of globalization is evident on the ways Muslims negotiate with their morals as we can also think about the ways in which Islam may have come to permeate capitalism. But these processes are not linear progressions nor do they have stable outcomes. Osellas argue:

“The experience of our entrepreneurs suggests that success in the neoliberal economy depends just as much on ‘new’ technocratic management and rational calculation as it does on old connections and luck …… At the same time, Kerala Islamic reformism increasingly preoccupied with the possible excesses of ‘western capitalism’ – individualism, hyper – consumerism and corruption – seeks ways to set ethical boundaries for engagement with the neoliberal global economy. This is neither a condemnation of wealth accumulation and consumerism per se nor a rethinking of the need to cultivate ‘systematic’ dispositions but is rather a continual critical reflection of the perceived effects of contemporary economic practice on everyday lives” pp. S216

When we argue for the changing consumption patterns of religion in the 21st century, an interesting academic piece written by Sanjay Srivastav (2011) holds relevance here. He talks about ‘300 million man hours’ (according to rupees) by some 11000 volunteers, artisans and sadhus who contributed towards the construction of Akshardham Temple situated in New Delhi. The temple radiates extravagance and opulence; an attempt to realign religious practice to the needs of a ‘new’ cultural and economic environment. He says that ‘Akshardham embodies a number of separate processes that are collapsed into the making of a new culture of consumption and urban space.’ (pp 376) Secondly, he sees this new urban space as one part of broader processes of latest urban developments that point towards the idea of becoming ‘middle class’ through certain practices of residence and housing. This is because as Zukin (1993) also records that the visitors of Akshardham complex are not from the upper middle class but the non – english speaking workers. Surplus consumption unfolds in a number of ways inside the temple as there are eating joints at the food hall and well stocked Akshardham shop which sells wide variety of religious commodities. So one consumes a wide variety of products of contemporary capitalism – IMAX cinema, the Disneyfied boat ride, Akshardham baseball caps – in combination with religious goods like calendars, diaries, audio, video cassettes, books, T-shirts, key chains and 3-D images of the deities. Srivastava says that ‘here, the refashioning of urban space tells us something about ideas of different kinds of middle – classness and their perceived relationship to consumption practices.’ (pp. 381) This, he says, constitutes a narrative of the imagined relationship between space and identity. Akshardham represents what Rajiv Kishore, head master of a private school in Srivastava’s work says, is a different kind of Hinduism, one that is ‘clean’ as well as global.

Conclusion

When we look into the contemporary pattern of consuming religion, the major epochs of the 21st century become the place of inquiry. Therefore, we talked about trends under globalization and neoliberalism and the concerns they entail. In the 21st century which is dominated by sweeping scientific and technological developments, the need for spiritual guidance will be stronger than ever. We read the arguments put forward by Osella (2009) to know that the Chinese people are keen on taking refuge in Christianity with the shifts in their economy. In this light, it is also important to mention the term ‘rush hour of the gods’ as used by H. Neill MacFarland (1967) to describe the proliferation of new expressions of religiosity in Japan in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. The term ‘rush hour’ was supposed to signify the overwhelming religious and spiritual options given to the ordinary people through mass media in the times of economic insecurity and emotional turmoil.

We also talked about commercialization of the faith industry and the role played by government towards the same. In this regard, commodification of religion is understood on the same footing as culture industry – where the art is commercialized solely for the purpose of consumption. Religious art forms are severed from tradition and the gods which were until recently associated with the more plebeian masses, are finding new homes in swanky new suburbs with malls and multiplexes. For instance, the affluence of Akshardham Temple constructed under the formula of globalization, capitalism and rising consumerism reflect a ‘different’ and ‘clean’ form of Hinduism. Therefore, the commercial approach of religion in the 21st century is not only conspicuous but also penetrating the minds of people through the ‘right form of religion.’

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