24 Approaches to the study of the Indian Diaspora

1.INTRODUCTION

Research on the Indian diaspora, so named, is relatively recent, dating in fact only from the 1990s, when a distinct interdisciplinary field of ‘Diaspora Studies’ emerged. In earlier studies on the subject, the term diaspora was not used .  ‘Overseas Indians’, ‘Indian emigrants/immigrants’, ‘Indians living abroad’ were the usual ways of referring to what later became known as ‘diaspora’.

Emigration from India is an old phenomenon. Precolonial trading communities established settlements, some temporary and some permanent, in South east and Central Asia. During the colonial period, starting from the 1830s till the early 20th century, large groups of Indians were recruited as indentured labour to work in other British, French, Dutch colonies , spread all over the globe – notably in Africa , Caribbean and South east Asia and Pacific. Additionally, in this period, there were also other kinds of migrants – in business and trade, but also soldiers, clerks, teachers and others in sundry occupations who looked for service in the colonial governments of those destination countries.After independence, there were several waves of migration. Students going to the west for higher studies and professionals for better economic opportunities form a distinct group. The voluminous emigrants to the Gulf countries from the 1970s following the oil boom were composed mostly of workers both skilled and unskilled , with some proportion of highly qualified professionals as well. Gulf migrants in fact form the largest proportion of Indians overseas. The most recent wave of emigrants, to the advanced industrialized countries, consists of IT professionals encompassing a wide spectrum of IT skill sets, beginning from data entry and soft ware programmers to cutting edge technology leaders and Silicon Valley entrepreneurs.

Already from the colonialperiod, information on migrants began to be systematically collected, and the seeds for an academic field were sown. The compusions of the colonial government to have control over the process of migration of its subjects, and its administrative and political need for certain kinds of information dictated the data gathering and compilation of statistics and reports. These materials have formed a fertile source for historians to map and analyze the overseas migration in the 19 th and early 20th centuries. In all these studies, the term used for the migrants is ‘overseas Indians’ and this tradition was continued in the studies in the early years after independence.

Research and writing on the Indian diaspora has some noteworthy features. It has come from at least three geo-political locations – India, diaspora and the west . These are also, in a sense, cognitive locations.Each body of work reflects this locational dynamics, although it is not reducible to the latter. Further, until recently, diasporas were studied through a disciplinary lens – in social sciences and humanities. Interdisciplinarity has been espoused formally only in the last few decades. Traditionally in Indian social science research on diasporas, history and ethnography were strong , along with economic research on the brain drain.Of late, political scientists and economists are taking considerable interest. Literature from diasporics has a long history and critical studies of them started emerging soon after. The disciplinary grounding means that theoretical and methodological approaches to the Indian diaspora take their cue from the major concerns and debates within the respective disciplines at any given point in time. Few academics take up the study of Indian diaspora as their full-time research interest. A considerable share of writing on the Indian diaspora is by former bureaucrats, diplomats and practitioners in the field.

Another striking feature of the field is that the bulk of the research tends to follow the unfolding scenario in international migration as well as the changing dynamics of Indian society, rather than set its own agenda. Government of India’s policies have had a considerable influence on the shaping of research priorities. In particular, the aggressive pro diaspora policy of Indian national governments since 1991 has coincided with the way academics look at the field and frame issues. To an extent there is a causal relationship, with the former driving it, as we shall see later. But policy itself is not unblemished and realistic, as Jayaram (2009: 414) points out.

Yet Indian Diaspora Studies is a growing field, attracting fine research oriented minds. Collaborative, and comparative interdisciplinary work has commenced , with insights emerging on a range of issues. It is a field that is here to stay and can make seminal contributions to our understanding of contemporary global dynamics.

2. EVOLUTION OF INDIAN DIASPORA STUDIES

Developments in the field of Indian Diaspora Studies can be clearly demarcated into two phases: before and after the 1990s. Obviously there are nuanced variations and divisions even within each phase, but the major transition occurred at the conjunction of three major phenomena of the early 1990s in the Indian landscape: globalization, liberalization and privatization, leading to what Naujoks (2009:4) calls a paradigmatic shift in India’s relationship with its diasporas and also, and this is important, in concomitant ways of comprehending the relationship. Prior to this, there was no academic field by that name, although there were well- researched writings on overseas Indian communities. The story of the transition has been talked and written about in several fora. A succint account can be found in the Encyclopedia of the Indian Diaspora (2006: 10-13) edited by Brij Lal and others. During the colonial period, the national movement in India took up the issue of the poor working and living conditions ofoverseas Indian indentured labour in a powerful way. It formed part of the campaign against the British colonial regime. The emigrants also had deep sentimental ties with the homeland.After India’s independence, both the attitude of government and popular attitude changed. Nehru’s famous exhortation wasin effect saying, ‘now thatyou have chosen to be there, you need to throw your full weight behind your adopted land and mingle with the indigeneous population’. Newly independent India was trying to find its place in the comityof nations. Its role as leader of the non-aligned movement also dictated that it refrain from interfering with the internal matters of other nations, so it did not take up the case of Indian origin population in these countries. This was also the approach of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi when, in the 1960s, the largely Gujarati Indian population in East Africa had to leave, following Idi Amin’s hostile policies. In the case of the students and professionals who migrated to the west in the 1960s and 70s, , there was a popular feeling that byleaving, they had betrayed their motherland which resulted in the ‘brain drain ’. In the case of migrants to the Gulf, they were mostly working class and employed on a temporary basis. Their situation was not salient in the popular discourse. The overall result was that after independence, the diaspora had no significant presence inpopular awareness and public discourse. The academic research of that time also reflected this paradigmimplicitly (Naujoks 2009: 4).

Due to changes in the cumulative position of the Indian diasporas in their host countries as well as changes in Indian economic, political, cultural and domestic dynamics and policies, the government’s earlier indifferent or casual attitude took a turn into a more proactive and positive enagagement.

Following the liberalization of the economy and integrating with the world economy, the idea of India as a bottomless market started capturing global attention. The foreign exchange crisis of 1990, averted by support from the Indian diaspora in US, alerted government to the possibilites of foreign direct investments from this source. In the advanced industrialized countries where the Indian diaspora had achieved success and affluence in corporate and IT related fields, their potential for facilitating trade and investment and also enriching the knowledge economy in India was sought to be tapped. Remittances, also a major source, were increasing. With the end of the cold war and end of India’s non alignment orientation, the country’s ambition for a significant role in global affairs became explicit. Thepolitical clout of Indians in some countries where they had achieved success was also sought to be tapped by government for national benefit. Culturally, many Indian arts and sciences had already achieved considierable popularity in the west, but with government backing – for example through the Festivals of India – cultural ‘products’ like yoga, ayurveda, Bollywood films, arts and crafts classical music and dance, cuisine – increased in scale, visibility and intensity, aided by new technologies of communcation. Simultaneously, there were also what Naujoks (2009: 14) calls interactional and vibrational changes – a more frequent and intense mutual visits and greater communication between Indians and Indian diasporics. The burgeoning new middle classes in India, with their aspirations and qualifications, formed the source for new migrations and there was increasing intertwining between Indians at home and in the diaspora.

The detailed policy formulation, the setting up of a separate ministry (Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs) by Govt. of India has been detailed in a later module. The changed ‘pride paradigm’, in which the successes of the diaspora are accepted and celebrated by the government and people in India, is also reflected in academic publications – in terms of an increase in quantum and a change of focus. (Naujoks 2009:5) .

3. TRADITIONAL VS RECENT APPROACHES

Until recently, studies on the Indian diaspora have been discipline based, rather than interdisciplinary.

Taking an overview of the traditional approaches, Sharma (1989) as cited by TGL Bhaskar classifies the literature into three broad categories – historical, anthropological and diplomatic – and identifies two mainperspectives underlying these studies :

(a)   The sociocultural perspective

(b)   The political economy perspective.

The former stresses on the tendency for Indians to carry their culture wherever they go, recreate it, hold on fast to it, integrate economically rather than assimilate culturally. The latter analyzes the objective conditions that create subjective consciousness.

Historians on pre-independence India have been active and productive in their writings on the trade diaspora (for eg. Markovitz 2000, Chaudhury 1985, Pearson 2003, Levi 2002 ) and on indentured labour (for eg.Lal, 1983, Gillion 1962, Sandhu 1969, Tinker 1974).

The best known diplomats who have contributed to the major transformation of government of India’s policy on Diaspora are L.M.Singhvi and J.C.Sharma, respectively the Chairman and Member-Secretary of the High Level Committee on Indian Diaspora (2002) , whose comprehensive report was to have far-reaching consequences.

There are several sociologists and anthropologistsin India who have contributed to the subject of Indian Diaspora, but special mention should be made of R.K.Jain, Chandrasekhar Bhat, Yogesh Atal and N.Jayaram who have been active in the field for a long time, and made several critical interventions.

Commenting on the twin themes of cultural retention and cultural adaptation in the traditional approaches, Ravindra Jain (1993) as cited by TGL Bhaskar observes that there are two processes that the literature identifies: the cultural relationist and the cultural adoptionist. The former espouses a position that customs and traditions persist in spite of the fact that the diasporic Indians are ‘outside’ their historical homeland. In thelatter, the question of the adaptation of the immigrant society to the social environment of the host society is important.Elsewhere, Jain (1997)brings together the two views of cultural persistence (maintenance) and thesociocultural plurality of the host society (integration)

3.1 From ‘Overseas Indians’ To Diasporas.

‘Diaspora’ is of fairly recent usage in India. Until well into the 1990s, research studies used the term ‘overseas Indians ’ (See for instanceKondapi 1951, Tinker 1970, Jain 1990, Sahadevan 1995, Mearns 1995, Clarke et al 1996). Other terms were immigrants/migrants (for example Bhachu 1985, Gillion 1962, Jensen 1988), minorities (for example, Mahajani 1960) or even just Indians/Indian people (for example Arasaratnam 1970, Kuper 1960) or Indians in Little India (for example Gandhi 1974) .Nowhere was the appellation ‘diaspora’ used. Historian Phillip D. Curtin was, in 1984, the first to introduce the term diaspora in the context of South Asia when he talked about its ‘trade diasporas’ , but it still did not enter the popular discourse. Interstingly, a major conference in 1987 organized by Oxford University on ‘South Asian Communities Overseas’ did not use the term, but by 1991, the proceedings were published and there the term ‘diaspora’ was used in the itnroduction. (Oonk 2013:16) .

‘Overseas Indians’ is not just a phrase, it signals a certain genre of studies. Its subtextwasto see migrants primarily as Indians displaced from the homeland who would someday return. The most popular theme of these studies was cultural continuity, the abilityof Indians to retain, reconstitute, recreate and revitalise many aspects oftheir culture in an overseas setting. Tinker ‘s (1977) view is that either the studies are about overseas Indians recreating India in the land of adoptionor about being the victim of circumstances in the hostland. These studies dealt with the processes of acculturation, adaptation (for example Kannan 1978, Kurian and Srivastava 1983). They were also meagre in number, mostly a few detailed monographs and comparative essays mainly on the Old Diaspora, and its patterns of cultural resistance and adaptation. (Jain 1993: 52). They were mostly done within the conventional parameters of Structure-Functionalism ( Jayaram 2004: 32).

It is a truism that in general Indians living abroad want to mould their family and cultural lives in close connection with Indian values and culture as they see it, and do try to retain a sentimental as well as material connection with India. They are everywhere noted, admired or more often reviled, for not intermingling socially and culturally and maritally with their host societies. The traditional literature emphasizes this reproduction of Indian culture in a hostile environment, and gradually starts exploring the concept of ethnic identity and the dilemmas of dual identity(for example see Mearns 1995 , Clarke et al 1996, Brah 1996)

3.2 Broadening of themes

In the last few decades,there is a thematic widening of the subject to include demography, emigrants’ background, process of emigration, factors in the host country, social organization of the diasporic community, identity, power, relations with homeland, and India’s orientation towards its diaspora. There is also an expansion of regions focused from Caribbean and Africa to include especially US and Canada, Australia and Singapore, a spin off from the ‘pride paradigm’ (Navjoks :18) There are also studies of religious diasporas especially on the Hindu diaspora and Jain Diaspora.Family, ageing, gender, caste, development, philanthropy, remittances, investment, entrepreneurship, have all come under the rubric of diaspora studies which is now also studied in conjunction with transnationalism.

3.3 Limits and Limitations of the term and concept of Diaspora

Following the emergence of Diaspora Studies as an academic field in the west, scholars on India also shift to the term ‘Diaspora’. But within the first few decades itself, the limits of the concept of diaspora, narrowly defined, have come in for wide ranging debatein the field itself, and this is part of the paradigm shift in the field. (See for instance the articles in the early issues of Diaspora: Journalof Transnational Studies).There is a point of view that work on the Indian diaspora has not entered into these debates (Naujoks 22-23). Yet , a perusal of recent studies reveals that some fundamental questions being asked about the Indian diaspora feed into this debate. Some of the specificities and dynamics of Indian communities living abroad have in fact served to flesh out and substantiate the foundational shift.

3.4 From one diaspora to many diasporas

One of the striking features of Indian migrants abroad is their diversity. Whether the diasporic outcomes of such fundamentally different patterns of migration such as happened from India can be subsumed under the singular label of Indian diaspora is a question that is being asked of late (See for example the essays in Jayaram 2011 and Oonk 2007) . Of course, even earlier, the pattern of empirical studies clearly indicate that much of the research was being done on specific communities , named by region, language and religion, such as studies on the Gulf Migrants from Kerala, Gujaratis in Africa and Jain Diaspora , even though the titles were sometimes on ‘Indians’. But the recent self-conscious and deliberate look at diversities and their conceptual and theoretical implications constitutes a significant intervention.

3.5 Do Diasporas Mirror Indian Diversities?

Implicitly and sometimes, more explicitly as in the case of several studies on Dalit diaspora (such as Vivek Kumar 2004, Sinarine 2006), there is a presumption that diversities in the diaspora mirror Indian diversities (Oonk 2007: 12), that somehow migrants take their caste and region and language and other primordial as well as cultural affiliations with them as an inherent part of their being and strive to reproduce them in their new locations, even though perforce they have to make some adaptations. On the other hand, there is a view point (Ganesh 2011) that though these categories do exist in name in the new locations, their structure and meaning may sometimes alter so radically as to be very different from the category in India, as we shall see shortly in the case of South African Tamils.

3.6 Relationship to Homeland queried

Traditional approaches give a central place to homeland orientation. Oonk (2007:9- 10) strikes a different chord when he argues that there are many Indians abroad who do not want to reconnect with India because they feel govt. of India has neglected and excluded them (as for instance, the Gujaratis who were expelled from East Africa and did not find succour from India or Muslim Indians after Partition), or because they are twice migrants like the Surinamese Hindustanis in Netherlands who identify with two homelands Surinam and India. Or when they do reconnect, it is with their region, often a linguistic region and not ‘India’ which for them is an abstract and remote concept. Relevant here is Markowitz’s (2000:6) point that Gujarati Hindus and Gujarati Muslims in Africa connect with each other more intimately than Hindus who speak Gujarati and Bhojpuri respectively. Echoing this is Ganesh’s (2010: 31 ) empirical observation that in South Africa, among Tamils caste has been erased to a large extent. Even though caste based surnames are common among them, it is a continuation of the way their ancestors registered themselves while being recruited in India and on disembarkation in Natal. Most Tamils today do not know that their names are actually caste names, much less which castes they refer to. Likewise, religious differences among Tamils have been erased to a large extent. Hindu Tamils have bonded together more closely with Christian Tamils than they do with the ‘Hindi walas’ referring collectively to Bhojpuri and Gujarati speakers. But in the case of twice migrants from the old diaspora, for eg. Caribbean Indians in UK, Netherlands or Canada, Oonk (2007:13) reminds us that for them their region or language of origin is only a vaguely recalled second hand memory and India, the country is some kind of reference point. Also in the past few decades of Government of India’s aggressive pro-diaspora policy, there is a powerful recreation of the nation, and this to some extent modulates the appeal of region and language.Another kind of example of ‘Indianization’ comes from the racialized politics of countries like Fiji, South Africa and others, where ‘Indian’ has become a racial category in which all Indians, irrespective of regional and other identities are clubbed together.

3.7 Shifting and Constructed Identities

This brings us to the problematic framing of multiple identities as mutually incompatible in some of the earlier works.Undoubtedly the emphasis on linguistic and regional anchoring of Indian diasporas is a welcome shift from the earlier conceptual emphasis on national identity. However, the recent literature on identities, their multiplicity, fluidity and constructed nature (eg., Stuart Hall 1992) alerts us to the dangers of positing a regional/lingusitic/religious identity as contrary to or incompatible with the existence of an Indian diasporic identity. In fact, empirical studies also show how at different moments, linguistic, caste or Indian identities come to the fore among diasporic Indians, and which identity is prominent at a given time is situational or a product of deliberate mobilizing. For instance, Ganesh (2011: 176-77) points out that in the Gujarati diaspora, caste associations play the role in forging endogamous marital alliances, regional/linguistic based associations and identities regulate much of the day-to-day personal lives and pan-Indian identity comes to the fore when celebrating India’s independence day or Diwali . Prime Minister Modi’s speech at the Madison Garden event in New York in Sept 2014 was attended by a large number of Gujaratis who identified themselves both as Gujaratis and Indians.

3.8 Research On Diasporas Within India

There are well established diasporas within India, both of ancient vintage and more recent ones. Parsis and Jews, both fleeing from persecution, have been received and accomodated in India without much fanfare or objections. Sidis, of African origin, came to India as soldiers . They have intermarried and largely mingled with the Indian population. There have been some studies on thse, notably the Parsis. More recently, migrants from Tibet, Srilanka and Bangladesh have come into India and although there is some grumbling about illegal migrants, as Naujoks (2009:1-2) observes, they are not part of any debate or public discourse on immigration and integration, and research on these communities is relatively sparse.

3.9 Brain Drain Research Then and Now

The 1960s and 70s saw a great deal of discussion in public debates and policy making about the ‘brain drain’, ie emigration of skilled professionals from India for better opportunities. Most of the research came not from migration studies but from economists who were worried about the loss of skills and talents to India. The tone was mostly pessimistic and judgemental, as for example economist Dandekar’s writings and the so – called Bhagwati tax proposal to tax skilled migrants through the country of residence was met with public approbation. In the 80s, already the tone was milder, focusing on how to use the resources abroad. The discourse on brain drain has changed now. It argues that the threat of losing skilled personnel is real only for small countries. For populous countries like India and China, this actually provides an opportunity for the homeland to benefit through harnessing the technology, skills and wealth of the ‘talent ’ diaspora, through back and forth and circulatory flows in the knowledge economy, which globalization has enabled(Naujoks 2009: 20- 21).Thus a wider understanding of ‘brain drain’ in tandem with ‘brain gain’ and ‘brain chain’ is to be find in contemporary writings such as that of Khadria (1999).

3.10 Research on Gender in diaspora

One of the topics that is only now beginning to receive some attention, that too from just a few scholars is that of gender issues in the diaspora . The experience of women in diaspora has its own specificities in which patriarchal practices of homeland as well as hostland combine to create new restraints, pressures and responsibilities for women. Women are everywhere in India, seen as culture bearers. It is well-established that where questions of culture and identity are at stake, as they are in the diasporic situation, the burden of maintaining them falls disproportionately on women. By their dress and deportment and conduct as well through appropriate socialization of children, they are expected to uphold cultural identity and family values. Deviation can lead to severe reprisals, as has been noted in the case of girls who marry out of community. Studies by Aparna Rayaprol (1997), Vijay Agnew (2005) Shyamala Parameswaran (1995) and others take up the issue of gender in the diaspora . Domestic violence is also a serious issue and several women’s organizations have come up to tackle this problem and provide support to battered and abandoned women (see for instance Abraham 1998) . However, a look back at the colonial diaspora, especially at women indentured labour reveals a slightly different picture. During the early decades of migration, women migrants were few and were in demand both as labour and as marital partners. Despite the overall hold of patriarchy, under the special circumstances, they had relatively greater mobility and feedom and were able to make personal choices, as the literature on that period indicates (see for eg. Carter 1994 , Kannabiran 1998).

3.11 Other themes and issues in research

There is a fair amount of scholarly interest in Remittances in the last couple of decades, but it is focused on macro level numbers and quantities (eg. Nayyar 1994) and on how India has bettered China. The implications of the remittanced in social and developmental terms at the regional and household level and on poverty reduction is only now slowly catching up, but mostly with respect to Kerala (eg. Gulati and Modi 1983)

The recruitment policies and procedures, especially for Gulf migrants, and human rights have not yet received much attnetion. Also not enough attention to the human rights, civil rights, recruitment policies, etc of Gulf migrants.Diaspora policy itself is the subject of some academic research, and acadmicians are increasingly involved in suggestions and recommendations for policy. Some scholars have also got associated with organizations like GOPIO ( Global Organization of People of Indian Origin) (eg. Motwani 1993). Naujoks ( 2009:19) cautions that some of this scholarship is not based on primary reserch but consists of overviews, compilations and anecdotal material. There is also a certain tendency for research to follow the ‘pride paradigm’ and focus on the more admirable achievements of the Indian diaspora and ignore the harsh realities of many migrants. While this is a point well- made, it is also a fact that sound social science scholarship on the Indian diaspora, now widening its ambit and asking broader questions, is growing.

4.  DISCIPLINARY, THEMATIC AND ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF INDIAN DIASPORA STUDIES

We will conclude the module with a brief look at the way the academic field in India is structured at present. In the west, it is often part of South Asian Studies, sometimes it is clubbed with or absorbed into Transnational Studies. In policy areas, it is treated as part of immigration, minority and multicultural policies.

In India, academic research and writing was done, till recently, as part of different social science and humanities disciplines. From the mid 1990s, institutional settings have been created mainly for research and advocacy, with teaching being an ancillary activity.

The Centre for the Study of Indian Diaspora (CSID) was established in Hyerabad in 1996 under the Area Studies Programme of the U.G.C. carry out interdisciplinary research on overseas Indians The Centre’s research agenda encompasses the historical context of the Indian Diaspora, civilizational heritage of diasporic communities, continuities and transformation in culture, economy and political life, besides promoting communication and linkages between India and the Indian diaspora. It is also a centre for Mphil and PhD research on the subject. http://www.uohyd.ac.in/index.php/academics/2011-10-27-18-38-04/

Centre for Indian Diaspora and Cultural Studies Hemchandra Acharya North Gujarat University, Patan was set up in 2002. It specializes in Literature and on the Guajrati Diaspora. www.ngu.ac.in/center/dias/index.htm

There are a few universities who have recently set up Centres for Diaspora Studies at the Central University of Gujarat, Gandhi nagar, Punjabi University Patiala, Central University of Kerala, Kasargode. These are as yet fledgeling centre with potential for enriching research especially on their respective regions. The Organization for Diaspora Initiatives (ODI) is an all India Society registered as a non profit educational and cultural organization based in Delhi, which is a hub for research , publication, advocacy and collaborations on the subject of Diaspora ( www.odi.in) . It also brings out a refereed biannual journal called ‘Diaspora Studies’ from 2007 onwards. The Indian Sociological Society conducts its activities – research, conferences and publications through 24 Research Committees, and one of them is Migration and Diaspora Studies, which provides a forum for senior scholars, researchers and students to interact and enrich the pan-Indian scholarship on the Indian Diaspora (www.insoso.org) . Global Research Forum on Diaspora and Transnationalism (GRFDT), an international consortium of researchers and policy makers drawn from national and international universities, institutes and organizations, based in New Delhi is an active body that brings together academic and policy research (www.grfdt.com) . Group for Research on Indian Diaspora (GRID) is a virtual centre at the University of Mumbai that is funtioning from 2009 as one of the projects under the UGC’ s University with Potential for Excellence (UPE) Scheme.Apart from research, it has made a significant contribution by introducing teaching courses invarious departments of the University (http://mu.ac.in/portal/group-for-research-on-indian-diaspora-university-of-mumbai/. As far as teaching goes, very few universities and colleges in India offer a degree or diploma in Diaspora Studies. IGNOU is one of them.

Within disciplines, Departments of Sociology in Universities of Hyderabad, Goa and Mumbai offer elective courses on the subject. So do several centres at the School of International Studies in Jawaharlal Nehru University. Many Departments of English teach courses on Diasporic and Post colonial literature.

While research is increasingly being done with interdisciplinary approaches as befits the very nature of the field, teaching is largely within disciplinary confines. Earlier, history and sociology/social anthropology were the major disciplinary anchors. Now scholars international relations, politics and economics, literature also work in the field, as do scholars from film studies, feminist and gender studies and dalit studies.

Indian Scholars:

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