3 Liberal Feminism, Radical Feminism

Abhinaya V

Introduction

This module attempts to explain and elucidate feminist theory, with an emphasis on two particular strands of feminist theory- liberal feminism and radical feminism. It looks at the history of the contemporary feminist movement, and by juxtaposing liberal feminism with radical feminism; it attempts to analyze the differences and similarities, as well as the strengths and weaknesses of both these strands of feminism.

Feminist theory refers to a broad system of ideas which are based on the principle that women are equal to men and need to be given the same rights and opportunities as men in every sphere of their lives. It can also be described as a system of ideas which seek to challenge traditional conceptions of gender and related concepts of femininity and masculinity. Simply theorizing about gender does not qualify as a feminist position. In order to be considered a feminist theory, it must also recognize gender as a system of inequality; assume that it is a changeable rather than fixed feature of human societies, and most importantly, advocate a commitment to a gender equitable system (Chafetz 2006).

Feminist theory differs from most sociological theories in two ways. First, it is the work of an interdisciplinary community which includes not only sociologists but also political activists, historians, biologists, psychologists, etc. Second, feminists work with a double agenda- they desire both to broaden and deepen their own discipline; and to develop a critical understanding of society in order to change it for the better (Ritzer 2011).

One of the important contributions which feminist theory has made towards sociology is the concept of gender, which it has centralized, and refined (Lengermann and Niebrugge 2007). Feminist scholars distinguished between biological differences between males and females, which they called sex, and the socially constructed behaviours associated with the feminine and masculine, which they termed as gender. Although various strands of feminism differ regarding their views on what the essential qualities of gender are, almost all agree upon the socially constructed nature of gender as opposed to the view that there is a strictly biological basis of gender.

Types of feminism

Based on their understanding of gender and gender inequality, various strands of feminist thought have developed over the years. However, it is to be noted that that the categorization of these various strands of feminism is more for analytical purposes, as often the strands draw from one another rather than remain exclusive. The first three major strands of feminism which developed in the West were liberal feminism, Marxist/socialist feminism and radical feminism. Liberal feminism’s central argument is that there exists gender inequality which can be ended when women get the same rights as men, through legal, political, educational and other reforms within the existing system. Socialist feminism argues that gender inequality mainly stems from the inequalities set forth by the capitalist system. Radical feminism takes as its basis sexual politics as the basis of gender oppression. To combat the limitations posed by these forms of feminism, other strands began to evolve from these strands. Black feminism developed as a critique of the radical feminist view that women around the world share a common, universal experience of oppression. According to black feminist thinkers, gender oppression cannot be separated from race and class oppression and need to be analyzed at their intersections. Postmodern feminism, in adherence to postmodern thought, has argued that certain basic conceptual categories such as women and gender need to be challenged and deconstructed, rather than be taken for granted. These have been some of the common forms of feminist articulations.

Liberal feminism

Liberal feminism holds the view that if society is to achieve gender equality, then it must provide women with the same political rights and economic opportunities as well as the same education that men enjoy. For liberal feminists, the ideal sex/gender system would be one wherein each individual can act as a free and responsible moral agent. Individuals may be free to choose the lifestyle most suitable to her or him without being judged for it- “be it for housewife or househusband, unmarried careerist or part of a dual-income family, childless or with children, heterosexual or homosexual” (Ritzer 2011). This liberal feminist ideal then is consistent with the dominant American philosophical tradition of liberal democracy and capitalism, with its reformist orientation, and its appeal to the values of individualism, choice, responsibility, and equality of opportunity (ibid).

Liberal feminists call for the formation of a society in which each individual can act as a free and responsible agent and be able to live the life that is most suitable for him or herself. Liberal feminism’s emphasis on freedom of choice and equality between the sexes, while pushing for change, is more reformist in its agenda than revolutionary, as it does not question the basic roots of inequality and challenge the present sex/gender system itself

The fundamental tenets of liberal feminism can be summarized thus:

• All individuals have certain essential features— they are capable of achieving rationality, moral agency and self-realization.
• These qualities can be exercised through legal recognition of universal rights.
• The inequalities between the sexes are not based on any ‘natural’ differences but are the consequences of socially constructed patterns of behavior.
• Gender equality in society can be achieved through an organized appeal to the human capacity to be moved by rational arguments.

History of Liberal Feminism

Liberal feminism developed largely out of the liberal school of thought and its origins are generally traced back to Mary Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), which argues that women should have the same opportunities as men, in order to develop to their full human potential. Wollstonecraft emphasized upon rationality as the distinctive feature of human beings and rejected the notion that women are inherently irrational, insisting that given equal opportunities to education, women would also develop into rational beings. Nearly a century later, Harriet Taylor and John Stuart Mill took forward this work on rationality and equality. While Wollstonecraft primarily focused on equal access to education for both men and women, Taylor and Mill went further to argue for equal political and economic opportunities as well (Tong 2009). Their work largely focused upon individual autonomy, economic, political and educational opportunity, and equality for all humans. An important part of their politics was their demand for women’s suffrage. They believed that the power to vote not only would allow women to express their own political views but that it would also enable and facilitate change in larger political systems and structures which are oppressive(ibid).

Initially, the women’s movement in the USA was closely tied to the abolitionist movement. Several members of the suffrage movement were strong abolitionists and began organizing for women’s rights while still members of these anti slavery organizations (Wolff 2007). However, they soon realized that their male colleagues were reluctant to link the anti-slavery movement with the women’s movement. At the 1840 World Anti-Slavery Convention, which many feminists attended, none of the women were allowed to speak. Incensed by this, Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton broke away from the abolitionist movement and began organizing for women’s rights to vote. This resulted in the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention where Stanton presented the Declaration of Sentiments. Their focus was to create a constitutional amendment for women’s right to vote along with actively working on other issues such as changing inheritance and divorce laws and women’s economic inequality (ibid). Finally, in 1920, women were granted the right to vote.

Following a small period of lull in the Women’s movement, in 1963 Betty Friedan published The Feminine Mystique. The book focused on the experiences of white, heterosexual, middle- class, educated women who found the traditional roles of wife and mother unsatisfying. She termed this “the problem with no name”. Friedan argued that they need to find more meaningful roles in full time public work force, but it is important to note that she did not demand a sacrifice of motherhood and marriage for a career.

This idea became the background for the contemporary women’s movement, which gave rise to modern liberal feminism. Women took to the streets, gave speeches, lobbied politicians, and worked for legislative changes in areas such as education, employment, sexual harassment, healthcare and politics, as well as for the end of inequality based on gender (Wolff 2007).

Main Tenets

Liberal feminists singled out various factors which contribute to inequalities between men and women and try and bring about change. They focused on areas such as the institutions of marriage, motherhood, and family, as well as work, education, and reproductive rights. They brought to light the central role marriage and family play in reinforcing gender norms and stereotypes in society. They critiqued the traditional nuclear family structure which they claim is discriminatory towards women. By expecting women to be at home to take care of the children and the elderly; and men to work outside of the home to support the family, it sets boundaries and limits choices for both the sexes. They also argued that women who do take up careers suffer the additional burden of household labour along with maintaining successful jobs, as husbands continue to refrain from assisting their wives with household chores, even when both of them are working. Thus the traditional gender roles of women as caretakers and men as breadwinners continue to persist even when women enter the workforce.

Since liberal feminists do not view women’s oppression as a systemic problem, they attempt to combat it through making reformatory changes within the existing system. This is done through changes in the law, legislation, litigation, and other democratic means. Additionally, true to their liberal philosophical origins, they also believe they can appeal to the human capacity for rational moral judgments (Ritzer 2011).They called for equal opportunities in various spheres such as educational, economic, etc. They also advocated the elimination of sexist messages in family, education, and mass media(ibid). Liberal feminists have worked through legislative change to ensure equality in education and to bar job discrimination. For example, in the UK, they actively fought for legislature such as the Equal Pay Act (1970) and the Sex Discrimination Act (1975) because they believed it essential for the women’s rights movement that the law should recognize and propagate gender equality.

Another important tenet of liberal feminism is the belief that all women have the right to privacy, and a right to their own bodies. Historically speaking, the basis of marriage was primarily a way to procreate and extend the family line. It is only within modern discourse that marriage came to be seen as a means to having a relationship based on love and friendship. Thus, traditionally, wives were legally considered the property of their husbands with no rights over their own bodies. Control over pregnancy, abortion, birth control, etc rested in the hands of the husbands or families rather than with the women themselves. This became one of the rallying points for the Women’s Liberation Movement, who demanded complete autonomy for women to make their own decisions regarding their bodies.

Thus, it can be seen that liberal feminism primarily attempts to work through the existing system to bring about reforms in a gradual manner. When compared to many radical feminists and Marxist feminists, they are more moderate in their aims and methods, as they do not call for an overthrow of the existing system.

Critiques

One of the main critiques of liberal feminism is that its demands have been classist and racist. For example, while liberal feminists actively participated in pro-abortion campaigns, they failed to recognize how women of colour and women from lower socio-economic backgrounds often struggled for the right to keep and realize their fertility, because these women historically faced problems of forced sterilization, medical experimentation, and so on from the US government (Wolff 2007).

In addition to racism and classism, liberal feminism has also been accused of being heterosexist, especially by radical feminists and lesbian feminists. When lesbians working within the Women’s Liberation Movement decided publicly to declare their sexual identity, the leadership and membership of organizations such as The National Organization for Women (NOW) were hesitant to support them as they felt that a “vocal and visible lesbian constituency” may cause damage to the women’s movement (Tong 2009).

Another area where liberal feminism has faced strong backlash for is their notion of women as ‘superwomen’, capable of successfully combining marriage, family and career. This was eventually considered by critics as more oppressive towards women, as they were expected now to succeed in a male-dominated workplace while simultaneously managing their traditional roles of ideal housewives and mothers (ibid).

Lastly, liberal feminism has been severely criticized for its failure to recognize the systemic nature of gender inequality in society. By focusing only on independent factors of gender inequality which women face – sexism, discrimination, sexual harassment, and unequal pay – liberal feminists do not grasp the entirety of the problem and thus only extend a partial analysis. It fails to challenge existing social systems because it seeks entry into these institutions rather than seeking to eliminate/change them.

Radical Feminism

The basic argument of radical feminism is that men are responsible for and benefit from the exploitation of women (Giddens 2009). The analysis of patriarchy-the systematic domination of women by men- is of central concern to this branch of feminism. Patriarchy is perceived to be a universal phenomenon that has existed trans-historically and trans-culturally. Within this system, men learn how to hold women in contempt, to see them as nonhuman, and to control them (Ritzer 2011). Radical feminists see in every social arrangement-be it class, caste, race or ethinicity- the workings of patriarchy. Their entire politics is based on challenging and eliminating the patriarchal system.

The basis of radical feminism is their analyses of the interlinkages between sex and power. While ‘sex’ had always been discussed, either overtly or covertly, it was not until radical feminism’s bold declaration that “the personal is political”, that women’s sexuality became the subject of much political analyses.

The main tenets of radical feminism can be summarized thus:

• That women were, historically, the first oppressed group.
• That women’s oppression is the most widespread, existing nearly in every society.
• That women’s oppression is the deepest and hardest form of oppression to eradicate and cannot be removed by other social changes such as the abolition of class society (Tong 2009).

History

Simone de Beauvoir’s The Second Sex (1949) in France reopened the subject of sex and power to feminist analysis. It was followed by Betty Friedan’s Feminine Mystique (1963) in America, which heralded the second wave of organized feminism. At around this time, a group of women who were discontent with their subordinate position within the New Left soon formed the Women’s Liberation Movement, which eventually split into two groups based on their differing political leanings- the liberal feminists and the radical feminists.

Dissatisfied by the political demands of the liberal feminists, by the late 1960s, small groups of women began meeting regularly to discuss the effects of male supremacy not only in the spheres of women’s professions, education, and public life, but more importantly, on their “private” lives as well. These early discussions (which soon evolved into the technique called consciousness raising) led to these women sharing and speaking up about the everyday violence that they each suffered and of the sexual shames and terrors they had all carried throughout their lives (ibid).

However, the purpose of these discussions was not simply to find some personal solution to their problems. Instead, these discussions were held in order to understand the social basis for their problems, including the sexual, and then to do something to change it-for everyone. As emphasized in the article ‘The Personal is Political’ by Carole Hanisch, consciousness raising (CR) was not therapy. On the contrary, it was envisaged as a political tool, modeled on the Chinese practice called Speaking Bitterness (ibid). Its purpose was to challenge the accepted notions about women which had been built by men, since traditionally they were the so called experts on women and gained from perpetuating certain ideas about them.

Thus, in order to truly understand the situation of women, radical feminists sought to base their analysis on information they could trust, and for this they decided to gather it themselves. They began to question all the sweeping statements that had been made in the past about women and question the interests they served, and began to substitute these with their own experiences of being women.

Main Tenets

What did these consciousness raising discussions lead to? It led to sexual politics being recognized as a public issue. For the first time, it so clearly brought together the private and public, the personal and political (Willis 1984). One of the most important ideas espoused by the radical feminists was in fact that “the personal is political”. What exactly is meant by this? By this, they meant that women’s private experiences of oppression (e.g., domestic violence, discrimination within the family) are not isolated instances of oppression but part of a larger system of institutional inequality (Shapiro 2007). Through the CR groups, issues such as rape, abortion, domestic abuse and sexuality (which were previously considered individual, personal problems) became politicized issues for feminist movements.

While physical and sexual violence against women are obvious forms of oppression, radical feminism highlighted the covert and complex forms of oppression- seen in the exacting standards of beauty and fashion, in the control of reproductive rights, the oppressive ideals of motherhood, the ideals of chastity and purity, heteronormativity, sexual harassment in the workplace, gynecological practices, unpaid labour, domestic violence, pornography, etc.

Due to their stance that sexuality is the principal basis of male power in which uneven gender relations are constructed, a major part of the radical feminist discourse was their objection to pornography. They claimed that pornography systematically objectifies women and dehumanizes them, thereby making them more susceptible to violence. American scholar Andrea Dworkin and lawyer Catherine MacKinnon worked to introduce anti pornography legislation in the US, and defined pornography as “the graphic sexually explicit subordination of women… shown as filthy or inferior; bleeding, bruised, or hurt in a context that makes these conditions sexual” (Tong 2009). When faced with the objection that people can separate virtual reality from reality, radical feminists argued that pornography often functions in the same way that advertising does. Although there is no law stating that women need to look like the supermodels they see on television, there is a standard of beauty being created, which they feel pressured to live up to. In much the same way, they argue that pornography creates an ideal for sexually acceptable behavior which is discriminatory towards women.

While there were some differences within the radical feminists with regard to the nature of patriarchy, what they all agreed upon the fact that patriarchy was established and maintained through the use of violence- rape, sexual abuse, prostitution, sadistic pornography, female infanticide, clitorectomy, sati, etc. Since men have the advantage of physical force, they use it to establish control over women. This, according to radical feminists, is the reason for the almost universal existence of patriarchy. Men create and maintain patriarchy not only because they have the means to do so (physical power), but because doing so serves their own interests in multiple ways. Women are exceptionally effective means of satisfying male heterosexual desire. Their bodies are essential to the production of children, who satisfy both practical and neurotic needs for men (Ritzer 2011). Moreover, women make an invaluable labour force, one which comes without a cost. Further, they are also looked upon as ornamental signs of male status and power. The fact that they make great companions to both the child and the adult male, that they are pleasing partners, sources of emotional support and importantly that their inferior position reinforces the male’s sense of central social significance, makes certain that men everywhere benefit from keeping them compliant(ibid).

Radical feminists demand an overthrow of the system of patriarchy rather than demanding reformatory changes within the system. They believe this can happen through a basic consciousness raising among women which will lead to each woman recognizing her own value and strength, thereby rejecting patriarchal ideals of womanhood (submissive, dependant, chaste) and instead establishing ties with other women, strengthening sisterhood of trust, support, appreciation, etc. Once such a sisterhood is established, it’d make it easier for women to confront any aspect of patriarchy that they come across. Furthermore, they encourage a level of separatism, with women withdrawing into women-run businesses, households, communities and so on. Lesbian feminism, a strand of feminism which grew out radical feminism, contends that erotic/political commitment to women is essential for the battle against patriarchy (ibid).

Critiques

Just as in the case of liberal feminism, one of the main criticisms that radical feminism has faced is that it has tended to ignore the role of class, race and ethnicity in maintaining and reinforcing the patriarchal system. By believing that other political issues such as class and race were secondary to their political goals, the radical feminist movement was overwhelmingly white and middle class (Willis 1984). In other words, it saw ‘women’ as an undifferentiated, homogenous category rather than a heterogenous category separated by race, class and ethnicity.

Radical feminist theory does not adequately address structural oppression, nor does it take into account an intersectional approach to understanding women’s experiences. While structural oppression theories focus on the structures of patriarchy, capitalism, racism, and heterosexism and the way they mutually support one another in order to be the dominant forces, intersectionality theories contend that while all women experience oppression, they are differentially oppressed on the basis of not only gender but also caste, class, race, sexual preference, etc (Ritzer 2011). The inadequacy of the radical feminist framework to take account of such issues led to the development of separate strands of feminism such as socialist feminism and black feminism. Radical feminism is also criticized for focusing exclusively on patriarchy without adequately explaining it (Giddens 2009).

Conclusion

The discussion held in this module reveals briefly the history of the modern feminist movement, as it originated in the West as well as the two earliest strands of feminist thought. Liberal feminism seeks to explain gender equality as existing in institutions and attitudes within the existing social system. Liberal feminists identify sexist patterns in key institutions such as the law, work, education, family, etc and seek to make changes to these institutions through various democratic means.

Contrary to this, radical feminism claims that the existing social system itself is inherently unequal and therefore seeks to overthrow it, rather than make superficial changes to it. As Shulman(1980) argues, “Not even the most ardent feminist can claim to be “liberated” in a sexist society”. By declaring that ‘the personal is political’, radical feminism attempts to link the many dimensions of women’s oppression. Their central analysis of patriarchy and the violence it breeds against women in myriad ways forms the essence of their articulation.

Both strands of feminism have been severely criticized for being primarily a white feminism, focusing on the needs and lives of white, middle class women while ignoring the experiences of women of colour and working class women. The failure on their part to recognize race and class as two important axes of gender inequality led to the development of black feminism and Marxist feminism respectively, which sought to address the shortcomings of liberal and radical feminism.

While this is the trajectory that feminism took in the West, it is important to note that in other parts of the world, feminist articulations developed in other ways. In a nation such as India, which encompasses a complex and multilayered social structure, there is no clear cut division between different strands of feminist thought. The origins of modern feminism in India can be traced back to the influential Towards Equality report by The Committee on Status of Women in India, 1974. Considered a watershed in the feminist movement, it led to nation-wide awareness and activism for gender issues , with many organizations gaining access to the language of radical feminism (Ghosal 2005). The following years were marked by a series of legislative changes such as the Sati Prevention Act, 1988 and the Indecent Representation of Women Act, 1886. In the words of Flavia Agnes, “Almost every single campaign against violence on women resulted in new legislation”1. Therefore it can be seen that, feminism in India, like its western counterpart, initially took the form of radical feminism and liberal feminism in its articulations. However, as in the west, these dominant forms of feminism have come to be challenged by dalit feminists who assert that mainstream feminism is blind to the intersectionalities of caste and patriarchies and claim that their feminist analyses are therefore lacking. Today, there are multiple forms of feminist articulations within the nation, which often overlap and sometimes contradict each other, reflecting the layered nature of the Indian social structure and all its complexities.

In conclusion, it can be said that there are different feminisms which have developed in response to varying social conditions and contexts, of which two dominant forms have been liberal feminism and radical feminism. We have seen the development of liberal feminism, one of the earliest forms of modern feminism and radical feminism which developed as a response to and critique of liberal feminism. We have analysed both their basic differences and their similarities and the limitations of both these sets of theories. Finally, we saw how feminism in India cannot be easily classified into either of these categories given the compex and hierarchical nature of the social order here and how therefore there the feminist articulations here are a blend of different ideologies and standpoints.

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