31 Violence against women, feminism and politics

Kaushiki Das

INTRODUCTION: THE PLIGHT OF INDIAN WOMEN

 

According to Radha Kumar, ‘Violence has become the part and parcel of the life of the average Indian woman, with rapes, domestic abuse and mutilation being reported everyday’ [Kumar: 1993]. So severe is the crisis today that it has threatened to rupture the very fabric of modern Indian society. At all levels, both primary institutions and institutions of state, in private and public domain, women are the target of varying degrees of violence. India has a dismal record of women’s rights, reflected in maternal mortality rate, employment rate or access to political rights. According t the Committee on Status of Women in India(1974), about two million women go missing in India each year through life-long discrimination.

 

The Committee on Status of Women in India (1974), chaired by Lotika Sarkar, Leela Dube and others, linked the miserable conditions of women to increasing social disparities, an outcome of faulty government policies [Agnihotri, Palriwala: 2001]. State expenditure on education and poverty alleviation programmes has been further slashed due to Structural Adjustment Programmes, worsening conditions of women. The capitalist economy has not destabilized the patriarchal structure, rather it has reinforced it; seen in the concentration of women in low paid, less secure jobs and the denial of opportunities for career advancement. While few women have broken the glass ceiling, the rest have barely climbed out of the basement! [Cudd, Holmstrom: 2011]. Feminism, a doctrine challenging women’s subordination and promoting their interests, sought to correct this.

 

Let us explore the feminist movement in India and try to understand the issues it engaged with and the hurdles it had overcome. At the same time, it is important to note that women’s participation in political agitations preceded a concerted feminist movement directed solely towards challenging the structures and ideologies of the patriarchal system in India.

 

In this module, we will first look at the major struggles undertaken by Indian women, tracing it from the pre-independence era. Also, we will glance at their engagement with the state and with civil society. We will try to understand the unique facets of feminism in India and the major challenges faced by them.

 

PRE-INDEPENDENCE WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS

 

The past is replete with examples of women revolutionaries. As early as 1882, Swarnakumari Devi started the Ladies Theosophical Society, a multi-religious association for women, while her daughter, Sarala Devi trained women in the use of weaponry. Pandita Ramabai, delegate to Indian National Congress in 1889, established women’s organisations and schools for girls. In 1910, Saraladevi

 

Chaudhurani founded Bharat Stree Mahamandal, arguing against men who preached reforms but endorsed Manu’s patriarchal laws. In 1918, the All India Muslim Ladies Conference passed a resolution against polygamy. Women’s Indian Association (1917), National Council of Indian Women (1925) and All-India Women’s Conference (1927) practiced petition politics to promote feminist issues. They demanded ‘votes for women’, for equality with men, arguing that women voters and legislators could help in ushering in social reform, morality in politics as well as raising a generation of healthy, educated  citizens. In fact, Sarojini Naidu urged women to utilize their housekeeping skills to put the national house in order. When the Southborough Committee toured India, women groups proceeded to show numerical support for their demands. In Bombay, the Committee was presented with a petition signed by 800 educated women and statements supporting women’s suffrage from the all-India women’s delegation, the Bharata Stree Mandal, Home Rule League. In a similar instance, when Muslim men sought to be exempted from the Hindu Marriage Bill, 1927, the Muslim women members of Women’s Indian Association, presented a special petition opposing it. Its lead petitioner, Sharifa Hamid Ali had later in 1930, launched a drive for delegate divorce, demanding that women can initiate divorce without losing their mehr.

 

This was also the period of reform initiatives by MG. Ranade and Raja Ram Mohan Roy to curb practices of female infanticide, sati and child marriage. Eager to counteract the British critique of Indian culture, reformers saw women’s emancipation as critical to nationalist regeneration. But, an upper class- upper caste bias oriented their reforms. This was evident in the issues that were not given their due importance, like inheritance rights, domestic violence or polygamy—anything that disturbed the patriarchal hold over the private sphere. For instance, sections of the Hindu Code Bill which legalised inter-caste marriages and enabled divorce were definitely not welcomed with open arms and were viewed with great hostility.

 

Moreover, Partha Chatterjeehad analysed the nationalist resolution of the woman’s question, which was done by outlining the two spheres of culture as material and spiritual. These two separate spheres, identified as the bahir (world)and ghar(home), were aligned with gender roles. Women were supposed to occupy the latter and hence, were distinguished from the common/lower-class female. Sharmila Rege argues that as such, Dalit and working-class women were precluded from the discussion. Barring a few progressive legislations targeting social evils like child marriage, the colonial state furthered patriarchal interests, stemming from administrative expediency [Sen, 2000].

 

The independence struggle witnessed a surge of participation. On Gandhi’s encouragement, thousands of women joined the Civil Disobedience Movement in 1930. Sarojini Naidu, Lado Rani Zutshi, Rani Gudiallo, Kamala Nehru, Hansa Mehta, Anantikabai Gokhale and others vigorously participated in Satyagraha, braving the violent onslaught of the colonial army. Nari Satyagraha Samiti, Mahila Rashtriya Sangh, Stri Swarajya Sangh and Swayam Sevika Sangh boycotted foreign cloth and liquor. Dalit women also played an important role in the movements spearheaded by Ambedkar and Phule in Maharashtra. Anasuya Sarabhai, Maniben Kara, Ushabai Dange and Parvati Bhore, part of the labour movement, worked for amelioration of textile mill and railway workers. However, problematic values of male guardianship underlined Congress-led nationalism which threatened to overwhelm women’s issues. It soon became apparent that the nationalists were not interested in the women’s empowerment.

 

By the 1940s, another dilemma cropped up for women’s organisations. In the run up to the special reservation for women campaign, they faced resistance from nationalist leaders. In Young India, Gandhi argued that women should take their place beside men, but a ‘votes for women’ campaign would end up distracting attention from the freedom struggle. Following this, Begum Shah Nawaz’s recommendation to accept special reservation as an interim measure was refused by others during the 1930 Round Table Conference [Sen, 2000]. Moreover, in 1941, when the Rau Committee’s  proposal to reform the Hindu law was opposed by the Congress, women leaders, who had initially thought otherwise, joined in the boycott on the insistence of Gandhi and Mridula Sarabhai. From then onwards, they became fully committed to the freedom struggle, sidelining their initial concerns with gender equality.

 

According to Samita Sen, by the mid-1940s, all-India women’s organisations no longer had any political influence since their ideology became too middle-class, too Hindu and urban to appeal to their impoverished sisters. While there was significant turnout of peasant and working class women for class-based action and nationalist movements led by the Left (e.g. Tebhaga movement), the independent women’s organisations failed to mobilize them for their campaigns on gender issues. The alliance between the All-India Women’s Conference and Indian National Congress proved to be a drawback since the ‘identification of oppressive male agency became muted’ [Samita, 2000]. As such, the focus shifted to the system and not men which in turn suited the latter’s welfare orientation.

 

Post-independence, the 1950s witnessed a wave of euphoria and optimism regarding the future, particularly the promise of economic growth benefits trickling down. Upper and middle-class women absorbed into the ranks of a welfare government and women’s organisations that became institutionalised uncritically accepted this goal.

 

However, Left-oriented women’s groups were rather sceptical of the constitutional guarantees and promises of prosperity. Therefore, the National Federation of Indian Women was born in 1954. In 1960s, several industrial workers’ wage and unionization struggles emerged which witnessed enormous participation from women. However, the forum on which women’s grievances could be discussed was still lacking. Thus, there appeared to be a lull in feminist activity until the 1970s, when an entire new generation of women launched a reinvigorated, radical movement once again.

 

FEMINISTS’ ENGAGEMENT WITH CIVIL SOCIETY

 

The 1970s marked a turning point in women’s movement since there was a resurgence of feminist consciousness. For instance, the Shahada movement (1972), a Bhil landless labourers’ struggle against exploitative landowners, was taken over by women who confronted issues like domestic violence and alcoholism. In 1972, Self-Employed Women’s Association was established to ameliorate working conditions of women in the informal sector. Mrinal Gore and Ahalya Rangnekar initiated the Anti-Price Rise agitation (1973), mobilizing several women who would beat plates with rolling pins to protest. In 1974, Progressive Organisation of Women emerged out of the Maoist movement whose women cadres united against gender oppression and questioned the sexual division of labour. [Kumar: 1993] The Nav Nirmanmovement (1974) in Gujarat, initially involving students against inflation, later attracted women who criticised the state, conducting hunger strikes, and arranging mock courts to pass judgements on corrupt officials. [ibid.] Mahila Samta Sainik Dal drew parallels between anti-caste agitations and feminism, stressing oppression of religion and caste. Following the report ‘Towards Equality’, the United Nations proclaimed the year 1975 as International Women’s Year.

 

Simultaneously, disillusionment had set in against the Left parties, which were gradually losing their radicalism and were insensitive to women’s issues. Focussed exclusively on class issues, they ignored patriarchy and domestic violence perpetrated by working-class men. In fact, the Left was questioned by a peasant woman —“why should my comrade beat me at home?” [Kapadia: 2002] Hence, some associations left behind their Left-party affiliations and became autonomous.

MILESTONES IN FEMINIST MOVEMENT

 

A major landmark in feminist history was the anti-dowry campaign, dating back to the 1970s. Although the Progressive Organisation of Women organised a protest as early as 1975, it was the sudden death of a young woman, Tarvinder Kaur, due to dowry harassment which initiated a full-fledged feminist crusade against dowry. Mahila Dakshata Samiti, Nari Raksha Samiti, Stri Sangharsh, under the banner of Dahej Virodhi Chetna Manch, started a spate of demonstrations to raise public awareness about the evils of dowry. The family was asserted as the site for women’s oppression and not a safe refuge from the cruel world, as commonly presumed. In addition, they recorded the last words of the dying woman, took family testimony and encouraged friends and neighbours to come forward with their evidence. [Kumar: 1993] The campaign was hugely successful in overcoming the indifference towards dowry harassment, highlighting that many of the so-called suicides were in fact murders. This encouraged more families to come out in the open with their dowry harassment cases.

 

The anti-rape agitation was another milestone as it was orchestrated by feminist groups across India, led by Lotika Sarkar of Forum Against Rape. The growing incidence of rapes by police and landlords, especially the infamous Mathura, Rameeza Bee and Maya Tyagi cases, galvanized the feminists into action. The Mathura case, in particular, urged the feminists to declare 8March 1980 as the day of deliverance, demanding a retrial, implementation of relevant sections of the Indian Penal Code and changes in the law against rape. The campaign against rape marked a new stage in the development of feminism in India; the networks which had begun to form in 1978 were now being consolidated and expanded and used to coordinate action; at the same time through joint action, feminism began to be drawn into mainstream political activism. [Kumar: 1993]Since it garnered plenty of media attention, the campaign saw the entry of national political parties. The Maya Tyagi case not only invited sharp reactions from feminist groups but also from parties like the Lok Dal, CPI and Congress. Prominent leaders like Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Jagjivan Ram demanded capital punishment and shifting the onus of proof onto the accused. Furthermore, it provoked a stirring of reflexivity amongst feminists, as to whether or not the campaign should be waged, sidestepping the subject’s wishes.

 

During deliberations on the anti-rape law by the Law Commission, a fierce debate raged at the Left-feminist conference in Bombay (1978), where the bone of contention was the extension of Burden of Proof clause. Opinions remained divided between those who proposed (such as Stri Sangarsh and Lawyers’ Collective) that it be extended to cover all kinds of rape and those who opposed it (Stri Shakti Sanghatana), arguing that it would provide a convenient pretext for the state to convict male activists in false rape cases. Accusations were levied against each side of being anti-feminist, belittling the horrors of rape or of being bourgeois idealists, unconcerned with the larger political issues and realities on the ground [Kumar: 1993].

 

Even the rural areas saw a spurt of feminist consciousness. Women were part of the Chhatra Yuva Sangharsh Vahini (1979), a movement in Bodh Gaya to reclaim land from the temple priest. In Karimnagar, women, active in the landless labourers’ struggle, agitated against rapes by landlords and wife beating. In 1980, Patna bore witness to a demonstration by women students against the rape of a rickshaw-puller’s wife.

 

The anti-rape campaign was successful on several fronts. Rape was no longer an issue to be brushed under the carpet. Custodial rape received legal recognition and the definition of rape itself was  scrutinised. For instance, the People’s Union of Democratic Rights found that most of the custodial rapes were used to ‘punish’ women who elopedwith mentheir families did not approve of. The success of the anti-rape and anti-dowry campaigns had emboldened feminists to wage a protracted struggle against patriarchy. Moreover, the lessons learnt, particularly the need to limit the involvement of political parties, helped improve upon the lacunae in their campaigns.

 

BRANCHING OUT

 

Gradually, the diversification of campaigns saw feminists’ foray into varied fields. In 1984, feminist organisations worked with victims of the Bhopal Gas Tragedy. Women’s groups also allied with medical organisations such as Medico Friends’ Circle or Voluntary Health Association of India to campaign against harmful pregnancy testing and contraception drugs. The most notable were the campaigns against Neten and Depo-Provera. During 1986-1987, feminists pleaded their case before the drug-controller to investigate the drugs prescribed by doctors, arguing that the latter do so at the behest of pharmaceutical companies.

 

Multiple women’s centres also sprung up in cities, imparting legal aid, healthcare, counselling and even employment. Interestingly, some of these centres were named Sakhi Kendra and Saheli, signifying the application of feminist concepts of sisterhood to traditionally accepted structures of friendship among women as well as bringing out the positive aspects of women’s lives. [Kumar: 1993] They often held workshops to celebrate women’s creativity through songs, drama and painting, thereby spawning a new definition of political activism. Feminist plays (Om Swaha, Mulgi Zali Ho) and exhibitions used traditional images of subordination to convey their message.

 

They have even attempted to use traditional idioms of empowerment, immortalised by the slogan ‘Hum Bharat ki nari hai, phool nahi chingari hai’. Reinterpreting myths, epics and folktales, women were likened to Goddess Kali and women warriors, urging women to struggle for their rights. An alternative strategy was to look at local forms of resistance by women, such as through the pretence of Devi possession, especially during pregnancy, to get their demands accepted by their husbands, such as to get money for household expenses.

 

Movements that appeared unrelated to women’s issues began to be re-evaluated. For instance, Chipko Movement was used to highlight the special connection between women and environment. In addition, while on one hand, a consolidated network of women journalists reporting on feminist concerns emerged, on the other hand the Centre for Women’s Development Studies and SNDT Women’s University were established, bringing women’s issues into focus through its annual conferences. [Kumar: 1993]

 

Over the years, a group of fiery feminists has emerged, vocal in their demands for women’s rights. Vina Mazumdar founded Centre for Women’s Development Studies, combining scholarly research with activism. Vandana Shiva pioneered Eco-Feminism, underlining the eco-friendly subsistence practices of women and critiquing ‘capitalist patriarchy’. Urvashi Butalia co-founded with Ritu Menon, the first feminist publishing house- Kali for Women. Kamla Bhasin established women’s resource and training centres–Sangat and Jagori.

 

In December 2012, the Delhi gang-rape case spread a ripple of angry murmurs across the country. Unprecedented participation in protest marches in Mumbai, Bangalore and Kochi, prompted the media to call it India’s ‘Arab Spring moment’. The One Billion Rising campaign (14 February 2013) was launched in more than 15 states, promoting the idea of women empowerment through songs, street plays and poetry. In wake of the nation-wide outrage, the Justice Verma Committee compiled a report in concurrence with women’s groups like Forum against the Oppression of Women, Jagori, Women Against Sexual Violence and State Repression. The Committee outlines a ‘Bill of Rights’ for women wherein the state shall commit itself to provide right to life, security, and bodily integrity for women. The Committee in particular directed its attention towards the police as an area of much needed reforms. It noted that the police are not guided by the principles of the Constitution or the rule of law, but routinely act as arbiters of ‘honour/shame’, viewing all women who wish to lodge complaints of rape or sexual assaults as essentially shameless. [Shakil: 2013] More importantly, it redefined consent, ensuring that passivity under shock or trauma is not construed as consent. [ibid. ]While inaction by senior public servants/police/armed forces is liable for punishment, the committee also recommends amending the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. Furthermore, the Supreme Court re-examined the constitutional validity of the provision providing the definition of juvenile, particularly in wake of the alleged brutality committed by one of the perpetrators. In another sexual assault case at Kamduni, West Bengal, women activist groups like Nari Chetana Mancha and Maitree demanded justice for the victim as well as accountability from the government; some of the activists even had to court arrest.

 

Similarly, women’s groups like Aalochana have waged a protracted struggle against sexual harassment. As early as the 1980s, the Forum Against Oppression of Women took up the cause of sexual harassment suffered at workplace, including PHD. students, persevering even in the face of adverse media publicity. During the 1990s, the brutal gang-rape of Bhanwari Devi, a government employee who tried to prevent child marriages, provoked women’s groups to push for a progressive law, culminating in the Vishakha Guidelines (1997). The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace law, enforced in 2013, was the outcome of deliberations by National Commission for Women in consultation with several women’s organisations. When a sexual harassment case was filed against a former Supreme Court judge by an intern, feminist activists like Vishakha Group for Women’s Education and Research, Women’s Rehabilitation Group, Jagori, and Kali for Women pleaded to be

 

interveners in the case. In another case involving the harassment of Ugandan women by certain authorities in Delhi, Kavita Krishnan (AIDWA), Indu Agnihotri (Centre for Women’s Development Studies)and Annie Raja (National Federation of Indian Women) strongly condemned the incident and insisted that the guilty be brought to book.

 

The ‘Slutwalk’ or Besharmi Morcha too has been initiated by some women activists, like RitaBannerjee, as a mark of protest against the patriarchal assumption about blaming rapes on women’s clothes. In Bhopal, Delhi and Kolkata, scores of women came out on the streets, often performing plays and reciting poems on sexual abuse, asserting their fundamental right to safety.Also, the Campaign and Struggle against Acid Attacks on Women was instrumental in securing justice for Hasina Hussain by ensuring life imprisonment was awarded to her perpetrator.

 

UNIQUE FACETS OF FEMINISM IN INDIA

 

Feminism is not a unitary, homogeneous ideology. There are differences within it, since women of each community develop their own approaches to deal with issues that are peculiar to them. Let us consider the various facets of this diversity. Awaaz-e-Niswaan, Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan and All India Muslim Women’s Personal Law Board strive for reform within the framework of personal laws, looking at scriptural sources of gender justice. They initiate dialogues within the community, especially engaging with the Ulema, and negate the idea of an oppressive Islam, instead insisting that the prevailing patriarchy was established on a very selective interpretation of the Quran. They also offer marriage counselling to bereaved women and organise   legal awareness camps in the slums against anti-women fatwas. The All-India Muslim Women’s Rights Network deals with impact of communal riots on Muslim women, emancipatory role of state and the reform of Muslim Personal Law. In 1999, it documented and analysed the diverse civil and family laws applied to Muslims. STEPS, headed by Daud Sharifa Khanam, questions the Jamaat’s authority (traditionally headed by men) to decide matters concerning women—- divorce, dowry, domestic violence, custody. Hence, it intends to replace the extant Jamaat with one consisting of women members. It currently plans to erect a mosque exclusively for women and open a centre for research on Islamic jurisprudence.

 

Among tribal women, Nari Mukti Samaj ensures food security for poor families in Malkangiri. In Maharajor village, Samaj Vikas Mahila Samiti tackles the problem of water scarcity, by rallying for construction of a dam in the region.

 

There also emerged a ‘discourse of dissent’ from mainstream feminism. Dalit feminism challenged the urban and middle-class character of the movement. The National Federation of Dalit Women and All India Dalit Women Forum argued that feminists homogenized their issues, ignoring patriarchal domination suffered by Dalit women. The Left parties, from which most feminists hailed during 1980s, were in particular blinded by their obsessive concern with the materialist framework. As such, the anti-rape, anti-dowry and anti-violence struggles were waged against class; caste factor, which adds to the severity of sexual violence, hardly figured in the analysis of rape. For instance, the National Federation of Indian Women attributed the Mathura rape case to class, thus excludingthe sexual assaults on Dalit women in Marathwada during the ‘Namaantar’ agitation. Even dowry cases were conceptualised outside the framework of Brahmanisation. While the Left party-based women’s organisations like National Federation of Indian Women collapsed caste into class, the autonomous women’s groups collapsed caste into sisterhood— both leaving Brahmanism unchallenged. [Rege: 1998] Hence, they insisted on an independent identity, denying the chance to mainstream feminists to speak on their behalf. Such assertions hark back to pre-independence era. Savitribai Phule, Tarabai Shinde and Muktabai had written about the deprivation of their lands, their barriers to knowledge, the commodification of their bodies as well as the patriarchy inherent not only among the Brahmins but also the non-Brahmins. [Rege: 1998] Women actively took part in the Mahad Satyagraha, lent their support to the Independent Labour Party and the Schedule Caste Federation as well as attending conferences, where they passed resolutions against Brahmanical practices— child marriage, enforced widowhood and dowry. In Akola region, there was sustained activism by Dalit Mahila Mandals, especially expressed through their compositions (‘ovi’ and ‘palana’) that were rich in political content. [ibid. ] The 1990s heralded the emergence of organisations like National Federation of Dalit Women, All India Dalit Women’s Forum, Maharashtra Dalit Mahila Sanghatana as well as the celebration of Bharatiya Streemukti Divas on 25 December spearheaded by Dr Pramila Leela Sampat. Today, the Bahujan Mahila Aghadi and Shetmajur Shetkari Shramik Aghadi in Maharashtra struggle over pasture land as well as opposing globalisation and Hindutva forces.

 

It is hoped that despite the differences that may exist between ‘mainstream’ feminist movement and other forms of feminism, these will not deter a convergence of women’s issues or a united feminist front. Sharmila Rege criticises post-modernists who talk of ‘difference’ but do not feel the need to convert multiple voices into social relations that can explain oppression. By concentrating specifically on differences, feminism in India will reach an impasse, just like Black feminism did in the West. A greater collaboration will ensure a richer and a more nuanced approach to resolving women’s problems.

 

FEMINISTS’ ENGAGEMENT WITH THE INDIAN STATE

 

Feminists have had an ambiguous relationship with the state. Initially, endorsing the welfarist conception of the state, they considered it as an ally, expecting progressive legislation from it [Kumar, 1993]. However, in wake of the half-baked initiatives taken by the state, they soon realized their folly. For instance, with regard to dowry-induced deaths, a law was passed in 1980 recognizing it as a special crime, instead of passing it off as suicide. But the evidence needed to prove dowry harassment was not specified nor was it considered a cognizable offence, leading to the acquittal of the accused in the Sudha Goel dowry case (1983) by the Delhi High Court. It took another round of demonstrations to ensure an amendment, recognizing cruelty to wife as cognizable, non-bailable offence, punishable by three years imprisonment. Likewise, the vehement anti-rape agitation pushed the introduction of a bill defining categories of custodial rape, specifying punishment of 10 years in jail, mandating trials to be in camera and shifting the onus of proof onto the accused. Yet, it was a disappointment as the technical definition of rape obscured the fact that it was an act of violence. Convictions were rendered impossible as physical signs of forcible entry alone were deemed to be the criterion for sexual assault. Molestation cases were dismissed as eve-teasing. The sole focus being on custodial rape, the other forms of rape, such as familial rape, remained neglected. In addition, it reiterated the paradoxical distinction between the age of consent for married and unmarried girls—for the former, intercourse below the age of 16 would be regarded as statutory rape while for the latter, the age limit would be 15 years. [Kumar: 1993] Even the Criminal Law (Amendment) Bill introduced on 19March 2013 and Sexual Harassment at the Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act passed on 22 April 2013, are full of ambiguities and silences on marital rape, rape of Dalit/tribal women, victimisation of the complainant, sexual violence committed by armed forces, absence of monetary liability of the employer and sexual abuse of men or of transgenders.

 

Moreover, violent crimes against women have often become opportunities for political gains. Parties capitalize on the ensuing public furore and media attention, well evident in their antics, during the protests against the rape and murder of Sheila Devi in Dabwali, Haryana. The opposition expressed its anguish at the ineptness of the Haryana government to protect the ‘lives, property and honour’ of Dabwali’s residents. As such, it substituted feminist discussion of rape as an expression of class and gender-based power with the patriarchal view of rape as a violation of honour, accompanied by demands for protection of women. [Kumar: 1993]Similarly, in Maharashtra, appropriating the feminist agenda against indecent representation of women, the right-wing government launched the Agnishikha Manch which regulated morality and ‘working mothers’ as well as rounding up prostitutes and segregating those found to be HIV positive. [Rege: 1998] Thus, feminists learnt it the hard way that while the participation of political parties meant swelling of its ranks, their objectives were also ironically thwarted by the latter’s vested interests.

 

Today, they have become well aware of the fickle-mindedness of the state and its tendency to sacrifice women’s concerns at the altar of electoral politics. It has not hesitated to undermine their rights to accommodate demands of orthodox groups, just for the sake of a few votes. This was illustrated in the situations of Shah Bano and Roop Kanwar. In a bid to appease the offended Muslim community, the state introduced the Muslim Women (Rights of Protection on Divorce) Bill in 1986, prioritizing the Personal Law over criminal law in matters of maintenance, preventing women from approaching secular jurisdiction for relief. The Khap Panchayat diktats on women have often been defended by the Haryana government for fear of losing their support during elections.

 

After the anti-dowry campaign, feminists realized that the state is deeply embedded in patriarchal ideologies, evident in the support it lends to the oppressive institution of the family. In the aftermath of the Delhi gang rape case, objectionable comments on the conduct of women by politicians and by the police (seen in Tehelka sting operation) revealed the prevailing misogynistic mind-set, raising doubts about their conviction for securing justice for women.

 

The delay in passing the Women’s Reservation Bill further belied the state’s commitment to promoting women’s interests. Around 25 women’s organisations across the political spectrum, under the banner of Joint Action Front for Women, waged a crusade for making it into a law. The Bill, languishing in the Parliament since 1996, sought to reserve one-third of all seats for women in the Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies. It also provided for one-third of the seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to be kept aside for women belonging to those groups. However, this move was thoroughly opposed by Rashtriya Janata Dal, Samjwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party, claiming it would only benefit upper-caste, upper class, urban women while ignoring the OBC, Dalit and Muslim women. It is surprising that in a country where women constitute half of the population, there is no recognition of their significance as electoral votebanks. In fact, Saheli in Delhi opined that the state does not see women as equal to men. Policies are made by the governments to appease caste groups and religious communities, but rarely are they formulated keeping women in mind.

 

In today’s neoliberal era, the situation has worsened. With the state joining hands with corporate firms, paramilitary forces have been given a free reign to facilitate land acquisition. In the ensuing clash between the army and the villagers/tribals, women have been brutally raped and mutilated. Hence, in Chattisgarh, the Supreme Court ordered the investigation and registration of FIRs regarding the 99 affidavits filed against rape committed by Salwa Judum. But the state is yet to file its first FIR, oblivious to the pleas of tribal women. Similarly, it turned a blind eye to army atrocities in Manipur and Kashmir, whether it was the 1991 Kunan-Poshpora rape case (dismissed as pro-Pakistan propaganda) or the 1998 sexual assault of a Manipuri woman by a soldier (disregarded as molestation). Stri Sangharsh also reported on the mass reprisal against the Santhals for trying to reclaim their land. During 1977-1979, CRPF men went on a rampage in Beldiha, Saraikita, Kerwar, Pakadiya, raping and beating up tribal women to force them into fear, shame and subjugation.

 

 

MAJOR CHALLENGES

 

Laws made for protection of women are hardly effective. There are several loopholes which enable the accused to escape punishment, thus emboldening them further to commit crimes with impunity. For example, in case of dowry deaths, post-mortem examinations are inconclusive and as such, justice  gets delayed. Moreover, as the Suman Rani case demonstrated, the purported ‘improper’ character or conduct of the victim was often deemed as suitable grounds for foreclosing access to justice.

 

Feminists faced vitriolic attack by fundamentalist groups. During 1982-1983, pro-sati campaigns were held by Rani Sati Sarva Sangh to demand women’s right as Hindus to commit sati; disturbingly appropriating feminist slogans of ‘Stree Shakti’. In the aftermath of the Roop Kanwar case (1987) when women’s associations protested, they were accused of attacking the Rajput community. Likewise in the Shah Bano case, communal politics subverted the cause of feminist agitation and their demand for implementing the Uniform Civil Code. Even in Ahmedabad (1985), a large number of upper-caste women were mobilized for the anti-reservation agenda through the use of casteist slogans and religious symbols.

 

Worse, some Right-wing women’s organisations like Rashtra Sevika Sangh had undone the hard work put in by feminists. They drewan artificial dichotomy between feminists and the ‘real women’ of India.

 

In addition, there has been an increasing divisiveness within the feminist movement as there exists an uneasy alliance between Left-party affiliated organisations and autonomous women’s groups driven by different organisational interests. Due to the increasing atomisation, the campaigns have been sometimes dissipated by existence of numerous overlapping, but separate lobbies. For instance, in the case of anti-rape agitation, coordinated action could not be maintained for long between the cities due to paucity of resources. Within cities too, the differences in attitudes/ideologies and analysis of women’s oppression weakened any stance of unity.

 

Moreover, women have beenso indoctrinated into the ideology that the family is the bedrock of Indian tradition, they themselves refuse to approach these organisations [Kumar, 1993].

 

CONCLUSION

 

Since pre-independence, India has witnessed an uneven trajectory of feminist movements that rose in response to myriad issues plaguing women. There have been differences over ideologies, priorities, perspectives and approaches, threatening to weaken the intensity of the struggles. They have had to deal with the apathy of the state, resistance of families and the hostility of the communities which refuse to relinquish their power over women.

 

Nevertheless, feminists have been, on the whole, able to overcome their differences, organize and mobilize support for their campaigns and have implemented programmes for women’s upliftment. The alliance between networking capacities of autonomous groups and mobilizing capacities of Left party-affiliated organisations gave their campaigns a cutting edge, helping them to achieve success in the battles against rape and dowry. [Kumar: 1993] At the same time, there emerged self-criticality, recognizing the need to articulate issues of subaltern groups within the feminist movement. From its humble beginnings, it has grown into a full-fledged movement, branching into new areas related to women’s reproductive rights, affordable medical drugs and rights of sexual minorities.

 

In conclusion, so far we have traversed a long history of feminist movement, understanding the issues they campaigned for, the hurdles they had to cross, particularly with respect to the state, nationalists and fundamentalist forces as well as the victories they achieved after a protracted struggle. The feminist movement has radicalised ideas of womanhood and gender relations in India by drawing attention to issues, such as sexual harassment at workplace and marital rape, which had otherwisebeen neglected by mainstream politics. More importantly, it had re-invoked an imagination of a future wherein women can not only attain equality with men but also have their gender-specific rights respected. Yet, the battle is far from over and the struggle continues.

 

Further reading

 

  • Kumar, Radha (1993) The History of Doing: an Illustrated Account of Movements for Women’s Rights  and Feminism in India: 1800-1990, Kali for Women, New Delhi
  • Agnihotri, Indu and Palriwala, Rajni (2001) Tradition, the Family and the State: Politics of the Women’s Movement in the Eighties, Gender and Nation, Nehru Museum and Library, Delhi
  • Philip, Anne and Barrett, Michèle(ed.) (1992) Universal Pretensions in Political Thought, Destabilizing Theory: Contemporary Feminist Debates, pp. 10-31, Stanford University Press
  • Anagol, Padma (2010) The Emergence of Feminism in India: 1850-1920, Ashgate Publishing Limited
  • Kumud and Mazumdar, Vina (1974) Towards Equality: Report of the Committee on the Status of Women in India, Government of India, Ministry of Education & Social Welfare, Department of Social Welfare
  • Rege, Sharmila (1998) Dalit Women Talk Differently: A Critique of ‘Difference’ and Towards a Dalit Feminist Standpoint Position, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 33, No. 44
  • Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod (1989) Organizing Against Violence: Strategies of the Indian Women’s Movement, Pacific Affairs, Vol. 62, No. 1, pp. 53-71, Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia
  • Ray,Raka (1998) Women’s Movements and Political Fields: A Comparison of Two Indian Cities, Social Problems, Vol. 45, No. 1, pp. 21-36, University of California Press
  • Dutta, Debolina and OishikSircar (2013) India’s Winter of Discontent: Some Feminist Dilemmas in the Wake of a Rape, Feminist Studies 39, no.1
  • Guru, Gopal(1995) Dalit Women Talk Differently, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 30, No. 41/42,pp. 2548-2550
  • Chaudhuri, Maitrayee (2005) Feminism in India, Zed Books, London
  • Jain, Jasbir (2011) Indigenous roots of Feminism: Culture, Subjectivity and Agency, Sage Publications, New Delhi
  • Sarkar, Sumit and Sarkar, Tanika (ed.) (2008) Women and Social Reform in Modern India: A Reader, Indiana University Press
  • Menon, Ritu (ed.) (2011) Making a Difference: Memoirs from Women’s Movement in India, Women Unlimited, New Delhi
  • Committee Against Violence on Women (2006) SalwaJudum and Violence on Women in Dantewara (Chhattisgarh): Report of a Fact-Finding by an All India Women’s team, Charitha Impressions, Hyderabad
  • International People’s Tribunal for Human Rights and Justice (2012) Alleged Perpetrators: Stories of Impunity in Jammu and Kashmir  Calman, Leslie J. (1989) Women and Movement Politics in India, Asian Survey, Vol. 29, No. 10, pp. 940-958, University of California Press Stable
  • Mazumdar, Indrani(2007) Women workers and globalization: emergent contradictions in India, Bhatkal& Sen  Menon, Nivedita (2000) Elusive ‘Woman’: Feminism and Women’s Reservation Bill, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No. 43/44, pp. 382007) 35-3839 and 3841-3844
  • Patel, Vibhuti (1994) Women and Structural Adjustment in India, Social Scientist, Vol. 22, No. ¾, pp. 16-34
  • Akerkar, Supriya (1995) Theory and Practice of Women’s Movement in India: A Discourse Analysis, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 30, No. 17, pp. WS2-WS23
  • Rai, Shirin M.(2008) Gender Politics of Development: Essays in Hope and Despair, Zubaan Publishers, New Delhi
  • Sarkar, Tanika and Butalia, Urvashi (1995) Women and right-wing movements: Indian experiences, Zed Books
  • Lyla Mehta (2009) Displaced By Development: Confronting Marginalisation and Gender Injustice, Sage India
  • Kishwar, Madhu (Dec. 24-31, 1988) Nature of Women’s Mobilisation in Rural India: An Exploratory Essay, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 23, No. 52/53, pp. 2754-2763
  • Bhalla, Abhishek and Vishnu, G (14 April 2012) The Rapes will go on, Tehelka Magazine, Vol. 9, Issue 15
  • Independent Citizens Initiative (2006)SalwaJudum: War in the Heart of India: Excerpts from the Report, Social Scientist, Vol. 34, No. 7/8, pp. 47-61
  • Phadke, Shilpa(2003)Thirty Years On: Women’s Studies Reflects on the Women’s Movement, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 38, No. 43, pp. 4567-4576
  • Singh,  Prabhash   P.        (1991)   Women         in         India:  A Statistical Panorama,Women in South Asia series, Vol. 12, Inter-India Publications Mahan, Rajan (1999) Women in Indian National Congress: 1921-1931, Rawat Publications  Sarkar, Tanika and Sarkar, Sumit(2008) Women and Social Reform in Modern India: A Reader, Indiana University Press
  • Sen, Samita (2000) Toward a Feminist Politics? The Indian Women’s Movement in Historical Perspective,Policy Research Report on Gender and Development, Working Paper Series No. 9, World Bank Development Research Group, Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Network
  • Patel, Sujata (1993) Women’s Participation in the Anti-Reservation Agitation in Ahmedabad, 1985: Some Issues in Susheela Kaushik (ed.) Women’s Participation in Politics, Vikas Publishing House. pp. 148-155, New Delhi
  • Kapadia, Karin (2002) The Violence of Development: The Political Economy of Gender, Zed Books Cooper, Adrienne(1988)Share Cropping and Share Croppers’ Struggle in Bengal: 1930-1950, K.P. Bagchi, Calcutta

 

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