11 Aboriginal Minority in Australia

Learning Outcome

1. This chapter introduces students about ‘Aboriginals,’ the ones who are original inhabitants of the land and the terms usage, developments from 1700s to early 2000s.
2. It would educate the students on the lifestyle of Aboriginals like early occupation, socio-economic structure and languages used, their spiritual leanings, social organization, and demographics.
3. Interesting learnings for the students would be regarding superstitions around medicine men and sorcerers, and the ways of expressing like art, singing etc.

INTRODUCTION

The word ‘aboriginal’, which comes from the Latin ab origine (meaning ‘from the beginning’), emerged in seventeenth-century English to mean ‘the original inhabitants of a land’. As an English word of that era, it also became a colonial word to mean Indigenous people, as opposed to the colonists.

The word ‘aboriginal’ was not at first used in Australia. The English discoverer of the east Australian coast, James Cook, who claimed the continent for Britain in 1770, called the original owners ‘natives’ and occasionally ‘Indians’. Early colonists mostly used ‘natives’, although ‘the blacks’ also came into use on the frontier, as the language of race intruded. Both these terms remained in common usage until the twentieth century. On 4 May 1816, a government proclamation used ‘natives’, ‘black natives’ and ‘Ab-origines’, probably the first use of this last term. However, it has been capitalised conventionally since the 1960s, revealing new respect. It is now embraced by most Indigenous people, especially its derivative form ‘Aboriginality’, which relates to the politics of identity.

‘Aboriginal people’, is now becoming the term preferred to ‘Aborigines’ or ‘Aboriginals’ (Broome Richard, 2009).

2. DISTINCT LIFESTYLE FEATURES OF THE ABORIGINALS

2.1 Early Occupation

Carbon-dated human remains provide evidence of at least 45,000 years of Aboriginal occupation of the Australian mainland. Although estimates vary, it is probable that at least 300,000 (and possibly more than one million) Aboriginal people inhabited the Australian continent at the time of first British colonization (Bourke E, 1998). Aboriginal society was organized into hundreds of language groups of varying sizes, many containing sub-groups. Each language group was characterized by a common language, common territory and common cultural attributes. Most language groups were semi-nomadic, traversing defined areas of territory which varied in size from 500 sq km to 100,000 sq km ((Broome Richard, 2009). No overarching political system or institutions of government existed in Aboriginal society in 1788: there were “no chiefs or kings”. Further, no direct lines of social communication existed across the continent. There was no machinery which could link the language groups into a continent-wide system to resist colonization. (Berndt RM and Berndt CH, 1978)

2.2 Semi-Nomadism

The socio-economic life of traditional Aboriginal language groups is semi-nomadism. Vegetables, grain, fruit, small animals and fish (where available) provide the mainstay of the diet. Kangaroos and other native game, often scarce or elusive, are highly valued food sources. Each language group possesses an intimate knowledge of its territory, the local flora and fauna and seasonal cycles (Berndt RM and Berndt CH, 1988). In mainland Australia, little evidence of Aboriginal farming traditions exists: however, it is evident that very few native seeds are suitable for cultivation. Generally, animal husbandry is not practised but, as has been observed, “hopping marsupials, goannas and emus do not encourage pastoral pursuits” (Elkin AP, 1976).

In Australia, the semi-nomadic life requires physical and psychological adaptation to an often-harsh environment. In desert and semi-desert areas the capacity to travel long distances on foot, without becoming exhausted or overheated, is essential. In order to survive, each person must be able to obtain food and water well before the need becomes acute. In hot or otherwise difficult physical conditions energy must be preserved between periods of hunting and food gathering (Elkin AP, 1976).

Traditional semi-nomadic life on the Australian mainland requires very little in terms of dwellings or permanent purpose-built structures. Material possessions consist mostly of tools, weapons and implements for hunting and gathering. Within the group, women and men carry out traditional gender-specific roles. These relate to the obtaining and preparation of food, the conducting of ceremonies, child raising, teaching, medicine and the fashioning of ceremonial objects, tools, weapons and implements (Broome Richard, 2009). The distinct language groups form broadly mapped cultural blocs which are generally congruent with the natural environment (riverine, woodland, desert or coastal) and with drainage basins created by topography and large river systems (Trigger D, 1993).

2.3 Languages

Although little is known about the origin of Aboriginal languages, it appears that all mainland Aboriginal languages derive from a common ancestor language which is different from all other languages. It appears that it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between separate but related languages, and dialects of a single language. Although estimates vary, possibly 600 dialects of more than 270 Aboriginal languages were spoken at the time of colonization (Yallop C, 1982). The Pama-Nyungan family of languages, which is characterized by the use of suffixes only, was spoken throughout three-quarters of the continent. In north and north-western Australia, between twenty eight to seventy different families of languages existed, most of which used prefixes and suffixes. Many Aboriginal languages are similar in the sound and form of words, in sentence structure and in complexity of grammatical patterns. They are characterized by precision, brevity of expression, an emphasis on concreteness, and the endeavour to express in minimal words a complete picture of a situation or desire (Elkin AP, 1976).

2.4 Inter-Group Relationships

Traditional language groups often engaged with one another on ceremonial occasions and to trade. Interaction occurred most frequently with the nearest groups: groups beyond one’s immediate neighbours might be regarded warily.

However, inter-group relationships were not always peaceful. Disputes in relation to personal matters such as marriage arrangements, or ceremonial arrangements were not uncommon. Land or other property was rarely in dispute. Physical conflict might arise, sometimes initiated by small surprise raiding parties: pitched battles might also take place. Often, inter-group disputes were resolved quickly, because of their (usually) personal nature. However, feuds might last for many years, even though long periods of time might elapse between acts of retaliation. It has been claimed that the Aranda and Kutjatja peoples of Central Australia fought with each other for extended periods throughout the nineteenth century (Broome Richard, 2009).

2.4 ABORIGINAL SPIRITUALITY

The central tenet of traditional Aboriginal society is belief in the oneness of the spiritual, human and natural world. This spiritual worldview is known as the Dreaming, and it permeates every aspect of traditional Aboriginal life.

2.4.1 The Dreaming

The expression “The Dreaming” (originally conceptualised as the “dreamtime”) was coined in 1958 by the anthropologist WEH Stanner (Stanner WEH, 1958). The Dreaming exists outside of Western concepts of linear time: it refers to a creation era long ago and to a present, supernatural world, which interacts with the natural world. The Dreaming began at the dawn of time, remains bound up in the present, and will endure forever.

Dreaming stories tell of the creation by supernatural spirits of the world and everything within it. Those spirits, sometimes called Ancestral Beings, emerged at the dawn of creation from the pre-existing formless earth, from spirit homes in the sky or from other far-off places. Some Ancestral Beings assumed forms and identities which combined features of humans with other species. Hence certain Dreaming stories refer to “kangaroo-man”, “serpent-woman”, “brolga-woman”,“shark-man” and so on(Edwards B, 1998).

The Dreaming stories describe the movement of the Ancestral Beings over the earth, hunting, gathering food, tool-making, singing, dancing and fighting. (“All the affairs of human life, good and evil, are included in the Dreaming stories”.) As they travelled, the Ancestral Beings created the physical features of the landscape, sea and sky. Their “Dreaming tracks” formed riverbeds and watercourses. The Ancestral Beings named the places to which they journeyed, the flora and fauna, and they created sacred rules of human social life and culture (the Law).

The Ancestral Beings eventually died, or returned to their spirit homes, or merged with the physical features which they had created. They passed onto human beings a system of existence which was complete in every respect. The Ancestral Beings entrusted custodianship of certain areas of land to particular language groups, which custodianship was conditional upon those groups following the Law. In traditional belief the Ancestral Beings retain the power to intervene in the life of man. Thus, they remain a vital force in ensuring the continuity of human existence and in maintaining the fertility of the land and natural species. The Dreaming stories are broadly similar throughout Australia, although regional variations reflect local landscape features, flora and fauna. Some “travelling Dreamings” cross the territory of many language groups. Where this occurs, different language groups have affiliations to, and responsibility for, different Dreaming sites located along the Dreaming tracks. The essence of the Dreaming is that every part of the life force – the Ancestral Beings, the land, the sea, humans, fauna, flora and natural phenomena – is inextricably and eternally connected to every other part. Moreover, through the observance of ritual and ceremony, humans are able to enter into a direct relationship with the Dreaming (Edwards B, 1998).

2.5 Connection with Land

The close bonds between Aboriginal people and the physical and spiritual worlds are especially apparent in relation to land. Land is vested in each member of the language group as a sacred inheritance from the Dreaming, and thereby provides the foundation for the group’s existence. Each group’s territory is physically, spiritually, economically and culturally essential for survival. Accordingly, connection to land is an integral part of the consciousness of every person within the language group.

The territorial boundaries of each language group are created and authenticated through the Dreaming stories. Those boundaries, which are often defined by natural features (but which in some instances may be permeable (Trigger D, 1993)) indicate primary responsibility for country. Members of the language group are responsible for the spiritual maintenance of the land through ceremonies and rituals.

The relationship of an individual or group with land is sacred and cannot be exchanged or lost. Thus – “It would be as correct to speak of the land possessing men as of men possessing land”(Maddock K, 1972). Since the Dreaming stories relate only to one’s own territory, there is no reason to desire country which belongs to others. Accordingly, in early times, rights to land or custodianship of land was rarely challenged. Indeed, to leave one’s own territory meant moving away from its protection: other country might be regarded as being “full of danger and mystery” (Jacob T, 1991).

2.6 SOCIAL ORGANISATION

In social and political terms, traditional Aboriginal life is remarkably stable. Despite the intimacy occasioned by life-long, relatively small-group living, disruption is rarely caused by struggles for wealth or power. This stability is largely characterized to the social and cultural framework of traditional Aboriginal society. Although any analysis of Aboriginal society is controversial, a general overview is attempted below.

2.6.1 Language Groups

The largest traditional social unit is the language group, which comprises men, women and children who are descendants of the same ancestors. The language group forms the primary basis of individual, as well as group, identity.

Language groups may have many, or relatively few, members: they may or may not contain sub-groups. The language group occupies particular tracts of land and obtains its food and other resources according to its Law. The birthright of each member of the group involves reciprocal rights and obligations. A language group may be loosely organized, but loyalty to it usually remains strong (Broome R, 1994).

Membership of a language group is determined according to principles of patrilineal or matrilineal descent (through the male or female line). Marriage is usually, but not always, exogamous (outside the group). Upon marriage, a woman usually lives with her husband’s family. Children retain membership of the language group of their birth throughout their lives (Jacob T, 1991). A language group may be more concerned with matters of internal administration than with external matters. The Australian Law Reform Commission (ALRC) has commented that the language group as such possesses no particular political or economic importance. Nor is it stratified by social indicators such as wealth or inherited status. In traditional Aboriginal society, spiritual activity is the only means through which elevated social status may be gained.

2.6.2 Local Descent Groups

Smaller sub-groups of a language group, which have been termed local descent groups, may occupy particular tracts of land within the larger group’s territorial boundaries. Usually each such tract centres upon a watering place where the group’s ancestors lived and where the spirits of the Ancestral Beings dwell. At intervals, perhaps once a year, local descent groups may gather together for ceremonial, social, and/or trading purposes

2.6.3 Families

The smallest distinct social unit is the family group or “hearth group” (i.e. one which sleeps around a common fire). A family group might include secondary wives (or, in some areas, husbands), children, grandparents and other old or close relatives. Where possible, a family lives and moves around its traditional territory together (Jacob T, 1991).

2.6.4 Social Classification (Skin Groups)

At birth, each member of a traditional Aboriginal language group is classified into a social group dictated by its Law. Many methods of social classification exist, some of which are highly complex. In Western Australia these social divisions are often referred to as “skin groups”. At birth, each child is given a “skin name”, which establishes that child’s place within the language group.

The simplest classification system is that in which members of the language group are divided into alternate generational levels. In this system, a person is on the same generational level as his or her siblings, grandparents and grandchildren: his or her parents and children are on an alternate generational level (Berndt and Berndt, 1978).

These categories are endogamous: that is, each person marries another on the same generational level. An example of this type of system is the Pitjantjatjara society of the Western Desert region: its two generational levels are known as Nganantarka (‘our bone’) and Tjanamilytja (‘their flesh) (Bourke C and Edwards B, 1998). A common classification system is the moiety system (moiety meaning “divided into half”). In this system, all humans and life forms, and even inanimate natural phenomena, are divided into two groups. Everything in one moiety has its counterpart in the opposite moiety. An example of a traditional moiety system exists in the Gunditjamara community of Victoria: the two moieties are Krokitch (symbolized by the white cockatoo) and Kaputch (symbolized by the black cockatoo).

Moieties are exogamous: each person in the group marries a person from the opposite moiety. Membership of a moiety is significant in ritual and social interaction within the language group, as well as in the making of appropriate marriages. Where divisions based on moieties and generational systems are combined to make four divisions, a “section” system is created. Sometimes two of those four “sections” are divided, creating six divisions: this system exists in the Ngaanyatjarra community of Western Australia.

A “subsection” system is created where four “sections” are further subdivided to form eight divisions: “subsection” systems exist in the Warlpiri community in Central Australia and the Yolgnu community in Arnhem Land (Bourke and Edwards, 1998). In other areas, further subdivision into even more categories may occur.

The traditional social classification systems of Western Australia are many, diverse and complex. Both patrilineal and matrilineal descent is common: some groups have local “totemic” affiliations rather than moieties or sections.

2.7 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS

Strongly-defined cultural roles and mores strengthen traditional Aboriginal life. In this way political, economic, cultural and social stability is maintained, and custom and tradition perpetuated.

2.7.1 The Role of Elders

Certain senior male members of traditional language groups may become Elders. Elders are initiated men who are selected to be ritual leaders upon the basis of their personal qualities (such as bravery and compassion) and upon their knowledge of the Law. Elders provide leadership in matters affecting the group, including dispute resolution, educating the young and advising on marriage partners. In traditional Aboriginal society the advice of the Elders is usually “heeded and unquestioned”.

Elders assume responsibility for sacred objects, spiritual matters and the performance of ritual. The Elders are vested with custodianship of the Law. Their overriding duty is to honour and maintain the Law, and pass it down to the next generation (Jacob T, 1991).

2.7.2 Role of women

Historically, the traditional role and status of women in traditional Aboriginal society has not been easy to ascertain. In earlier times anthropologists concluded that men, rather than women, performed significant roles in the operation of the Law and in ritual life. This was attributed to the fact that usually after marriage women left their own country to live in their husband’s country. Since ritual matters are conducted by the traditional owners of territory, it appeared that men, rather than women, exercised authority in the life of the language group (Broome R, 2009). More recent research has established that women possess separate sacred knowledge and carry out separate ritual (“women’s business”), which complements that of the men. Women’s business may extend to other rights and duties, including land relationships. It appears that women, like men, gain in power and prestige as they grow older: women with strong spiritual and personal qualities may achieve a status similar to, but separate from, that of Elder (Jacob T, 1991). Further, it has been suggested that women with strong personalities were never outmatched by men.

2.7.3 Reciprocity

In traditional Aboriginal society mutual rights and obligations, deriving principally from kinship obligations are consistently observed. A primary obligation is to make gifts: upon initiation a man is expected to make gifts (such as tools or implements) to those who initiate him; upon betrothal, he makes gifts to his future wife’s family. Usually the economic value of the gift is unimportant: the purpose of giving and receiving is to reinforce social bonds (Broome R, 2009). Reciprocity principles underpin most aspects of community life, including ritual, ceremony and the protection of sacred sites. Similarly, the cultural practice of sharing food and other valued goods is based upon reciprocity principles. Each person shares with those persons from whom he or she has received benefits in the past, and from who benefits will be received in the future. Reciprocity also governs the cultural norm of avenging wrong-doing: this is the notion of “payback” or “squaring it up”. Reciprocity, which operates on an inter-group as well as an intra-group level, strongly reinforces personal and group relationships. It operates as a system of checks and balances to maintain social equilibrium (Bourke and Edwards, 1998).

2.7.4 Medicine Men and Sorcerers

Medicine men (or magic healers) and sorcerers (sometimes known as kadaitcha men) exist in traditional language groups. Sometimes a medicine man is also a sorcerer. Particular initiation rites must be undergone before a man obtains the necessary power to be a medicine man or sorcerer (Berndt and Berndt, 1988). In some language groups certain women also are imbued with magical powers.

Medicine men perform a number of roles including the diagnosis and curing of illnesses (often through magical rituals), the holding of seances (to connect with the spiritual world) and the conducting of “inquests” into unexpected or unexplained deaths. Assistance rendered by a medicine man may take the form of “singing”: The work of sorcerers is always that of black magic. Sorcery is usually carried out upon people of other tribes, upon unfaithful wives and alleged murderers. The pointing-bone is the most widely known, and widely used, tool of sorcery (Elkin AP, 1976).

In traditional Aboriginal society people live in fear of sorcery, although the curative powers of the medicine man may be invoked to counteract it. However, a cure may prove difficult especially where the sorcerer has performed a particular ritual operation such as the removal of part of the body or soul.

2.7.5 Visual Art, Literature, Songs and Dancing

There are a number of distinct schools of traditional Aboriginal visual art, which may be created on rock facings and in caves, on wood, bark, and even on clay or sand. Broad traditional Aboriginal “art areas” exists across the Australian continent, although each language group has its own distinctive form of artistic expression. Aboriginal visual art may be broadly described as a stylised form of communication which is inseparable from its cultural and social setting. It must possess cultural and social significance and conform to traditional expectations. Much Aboriginal visual art and carving has spiritual or symbolic meaning for the group: what others may care to make of it is immaterial (Berndt and Berndt, 1988).

Aboriginal literature includes stories, poetry, songs and chants. These may relate to everything connected with the traditional life: the Dreaming stories, magic, totems, hunting, fighting, epics or mourning. In some areas up to five hundred stories are known: in others there may only be a dozen or so (Berndt and Berndt, 1988). Sacred Dreaming stories are especially prized and the privilege of telling them may be strictly controlled.

Usually traditional songs are simple and short, with much repetition of key phrases. The songs are intended to assist the group in remembering details of the Dreaming stories. Songs are often accompanied by clapping sticks and didjeridus: other musical instruments include hand drums, rattles and gongs. Dreaming stories are also honoured through the performance art of dancing.

Dances may be performed solo or by groups; they may be open or closed to audience participation. Sometimes, but not always, dances relate to sacred matters. Dance steps are often intricate and varied, rich in symbolism and significance (Berndt and Berndt, 1988).

3. STATUS OF THE ABORIGINAL PEOPLE IN AUSTRALIA

When James Cook first arrived at the new continent of Australia he declared this new country unpopulated and thus started almost 200 years of Aboriginal discrimination. New European settlers brought with them diseases unknown to Aborigines which led to epidemics devastating Aboriginal population from the very beginning; and as Australia was considered to be unpopulated, Europeans started to appropriate land and water resources. The Aborigines, one of the oldest peoples on the Earth with their culture dating back thousands of years, were not even considered to be human beings by many. Despite that, there began to be an ever increasing number of children of mixed descent, especially of white fathers and Aboriginal mothers, who were called Half-Castes and who were to be protected and assimilated into the white society. It was believed that full-blood Aborigines would die out through their cultural and social inferiority. The children of mixed descent were thus offered the above mentioned protection and later assimilation into the white society, in a way of official government policies, even though it meant their forcible removal from their families for European upbringing and education. These children forcibly removed from their families were later to be called the Stolen Generations, sometimes also referred to as the Lost Generations. The population of Aboriginals thus started to decline rapidly. The situation of Aborigines did not improve after the 1901 Constitution at all, because according to the Constitution Aboriginals were not to be recognized in the Census and the forcible removal of children continued even on a larger scale. The policy of protection was changed into the assimilation policy which was the official government policy from 1930s to 1970s and there were no signs of improvement of Aboriginal status in the society. It was in the 1930s when Aborigines started to be organized in official associations and organizations protecting their rights and demanding the change of the overall situation of the Aborigines. The Day of Mourning in 1938 is among the most visible and memorable events on the Aboriginal way to recognition from this period of time. The path to Aboriginal recognition was in fact very slow process which was happening throughout the whole 20th century. The most significant event was the 1967 Referendum which is considered to be one of the milestones and turning points in the history of Australian Aborigines and pursue for their rights. The referendum basically recognized the Indigenous people of Australia because it led to the change of the Constitution so that Aborigines could be counted in the national Census and it gave the government right to make special laws concerning Aborigines. The forcible removal of children did stop after the Referendum 1967 and the official government policy did change from assimilation to self-determination but there were another thirty years and a lot of struggle on the way to reconciliation. The final step towards reconciliation was in fact the 1997 ‘Bringing Them Home’ report, which openly and clearly addressed the issue of the Stolen Generations and called for compensation and apology. The official government apology came more than ten years later from the Prime Minister Kevin Rudd in his parliament speech on 13th Feb. 2008. Overall it took Indigenous people in Australia almost 200 years to be recognized and eventually also reconciled.

4. CONCLUSION

The Indigenous peoples of Australia had lived on their continent for thousands of years and their way of life did not change much during this period of time. They were closely connected to their land with their ritual places and they developed rich cultural and spiritual traditions speaking in more than 200 languages. The arrival of white man had far-reaching consequences on Aborigines regarding most aspects of their lives. Initially the most visible impact was the racial and cultural clash and different attitude to the lands. Europeans showed no respect for Aboriginal land ownership and had no respect for Aboriginal culture either because Aborigines were immediately considered to be an inferior race. It was the land that played one of key roles during the initial contact because for Aborigines land was not private property and they did not comprehend the way white people took it. The whites claimed more and more Aboriginal lands and their settlement spread throughout the new country because the wool trade became more and more lucrative. This land exploitation as well as diseases brought by the new settlers devastated not only Aboriginal traditional life but also their populations. Even though Aborigines occasionally took to arms the inevitable result was that they lost their lands and were subjected because living their traditional tribal lives, they did not stand a chance against the British Empire. In fact, it is estimated that the population of Indigenous peoples of Australia dropped by more than 200,000 during the 19th century.

Another scar on the Aboriginal community in Australia was left when the policy of protection was introduced as the official government policy in the second half of the 19th century. The protection was not aimed at protection of Aborigines but rather at possibility to control their lives in terms of their residence, occupation as well as their marriage and social lives. The protection policy, executed through the Protection Acts, especially applied to Aboriginal children of mixed descent, the so called Half-Castes. These children were removed from their original families to get white upbringing and education and some of these children were in fact removed for good. This is why they are called the Stolen Generations and it is clear that the impact on these children as well as their families is irreversible. An enquiry was carried out and some records of the removed children were found but some of these children were lost without trace.

An important issue to analyze regarding the situation of Aborigines proved to be the 1901 Constitution because the new nation of Australia completely ignored that the Aborigines even existed and failed to mention Aborigines in its Constitution at all. Basically, they were not mentioned for two simple reasons; the first one was that it was believed that the full-blood Aborigines would not survive as an inferior nation and the second one was that the Half-Castes would eventually be assimilated into the white society and thus Aborigines would cease to exist. Such ideas and practices can be compared to genocide in other parts of the world in different time periods because the impact on Aboriginal peoples has been global as well as irrevocable. The second half of the 20th century did bring some improvement of Aboriginal status and their rights; in fact the unofficial turning-point might be considered the Day of Mourning in as early as in 1938. Even though the situation of Aborigines in Australia has improved dramatically since then and even though the Government officially apologized to the Stolen Generations and completely re-considered its official policy towards Aborigines, the period of time from the arrival of the whites to the half of the 20th century is deeply rooted within the Aboriginal society and will need long time to heal. Another aspect which is worth taking into account is whether Aborigines did in fact win back their rights or whether they were Europeanized after all because only the minority of Aborigines lives their traditional way of life they used to live before the arrival of white man. Nowadays, they mostly live at the edge of the society and their situation is still very questionable and remains one of the main current issues in Australia.

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