8 Ecological adaptation among tribal population

Ajeet Jaiswal

epgp books

 

 

 

Contents:

    1.      Introduction:

2.      Tribes and Forestry

3.      Adaptability

4.      Tribal and Rural Adaptation

5.      Indigenous Adaptation in the Face of Climate Change

6.      Climate change adaption and its implementation in Indian Country

6.1 Brief Introduction to Adaptation

6.2 Indigenous Adaptation

6.2.1   Human Rights

6.2.2   Environmental Justice

6.2.3   Tribal Sovereignty

6.2.4   Connection to Land

6.2.5   Traditional Environmental Knowledge

7.      Summary

 

Learning objectives:

  • The course provides introduction information about Ecological adaptation among tribal population.
  • It includes the Basic Concept of Tribes and Forestry and Tribal and Rural Adaptation
  • The study of this module enables the students at postgraduate level to understand the Climate change adaption and its implementation in Indian Country like Rights, Environmental Justice, Tribal Sovereignty, Connection to Land and Traditional Environmental Knowledge

    1. Introduction

 

It has been simply understood that ecology and tribal society have a very core relationship. Tribalism only sustain if ecology sustain. Displacement of tribals in various parts of this universe took place only when disturbances brought in the ecological system in the particular tribal settled areas. No tribal can survive without their engagement in forest, rivers, mountains, animals and over all ecological system. Tribals feel more comfortable when they live with their ecosystem.

 

On the other hand, it is also true to say that every society needs to change according to change of the universe and nature but that changes should not be on the cost of life and livelihood. We have a long history within India and throughout this world that once any disturbances took place a mass tribal displacement took place inbound or outbound. In the name of development and better life tribals sacrificed more than any other ethnic groups in this universe.

 

According to the 2011 Census, the total population of the Scheduled Tribes (STs) in India constitutes 8.6 percent of the total population of the country. 91.7 percent of them lives in rural areas, whereas, only 8.3 percent inhabit in urban areas. Madhya Pradesh accounts for the highest percentage of STs population to total STs population of the country (14.5 percent) followed by Maharashtra (10.2 percent), Orissa (9.7 percent), Gujarat (8.9 percent), Rajasthan (8.4 percent), Jharkhand (8.4 percent) and Chhattisgarh (7.8 percent). In fact, 68 percent of the country’s ST Population lives in these seven States only (Census, 2011).

 

The proportion of the STs to the total population of the States/Union territories is highest in Mizoram (94.5 percent) and Lakshadweep (94.5 percent) followed by Nagaland (89.1 percent), Meghalaya (85.9 percent). Within the major states Chhattisgarh (31.8 percent) has the highest percentage of STs population followed by Jharkhand (26.3 percent) and Orissa (22.1 percent). These proportions are in the lowest in Uttar Pradesh (0.1 percent), Bihar (0.9 percent), Tamil Nadu (1.0 percent) and Kerala (1.1 percent).As per the 2001 Census, there are 75 districts where ST population is 50 percent or more. In majority of the districts (i.e., 403 districts), the concentration of STs population to its total population is less than 20 percent (Census, 2001).

 

2.        Tribes and Forestry

 

Forests are vital economic and cultural resources for many tribal population of world. Climate change has the potential to both compromises the health of forests across the country, and increase their productivity. For tribes whose culture, traditions and ways of life may be heavily dependent on forest resources it is important to build an understanding of how climate change may impact forests and other ecosystems.

 

Climate change will affect temperature and moisture regimes that have important implications for tribal forestry. Every region will be affected differently, but in general, it is likely that temperatures will increase and precipitation patterns will become more extreme in most part ofthe country Tribes can prepare for climate threats by carrying out periodic forest assessments that evaluate observed climate change impacts and species’ climate change vulnerability. The Indian Forest Management Assessment Team, which is comprised of representatives from the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Inter-Tribal Timber Council, developed ten-year reports in 1993 and again in 2003 evaluating the condition of Indian Forests and the effectiveness of tribal forest management strategies on a national level. These assessments, while not focused on climate change impacts, provide insight into the evolving challenges faced by tribal forest managers. Similar assessments with a specific focus on climate change impacts can be spearheaded at regional or tribal levels. In 2009, the Swinomish Indian Tribal Community carried out a climate change impact assessment to determine the climate change vulnerability of various tribal resources. Their forest resources vulnerability assessment revealed an increased risk of wildfire, especially in the urban/forest interface. The assessment also revealed a stronger potential for the spread of forest pests and diseases as a result of warmer winter temperatures. Additionally, they found that increased drought stress is likely to lead to the proliferation of drought-tolerant species such as fir, while drought-susceptible species such as western red cedar will likely decline (Swinomish).

 

3.        Adaptability

 

The human body readily responds to changing environmental stresses in a variety of biological and cultural ways. We can acclimatize to a wide range of temperature and humidity. When traveling to high altitudes, our bodies adjust so that our cells still receive sufficient oxygen. We also are constantly responding in physiological ways to internal and external stresses such as bacterial and viral infections, air and water pollution, dietary imbalance, and overcrowding.

 

This ability to rapidly adapt to varying environmental conditions has made it possible for us to survive in most regions of the world. We live successfully in humid tropical forests, harsh deserts, arctic wastelands, and even densely populated cities with considerable amounts of pollution. Most other animal and plant species are restricted to one or relatively few environments by their more limited adaptability.

 

Humans normally respond to environmental stresses in four ways:

1.  Genetic change

2.  Developmental adjustment

3.  Acclimatization

4.  Cultural practices and technology

 

The first three are biological responses. The last three occur during our lifetime without further genetic change.

 

4.        Tribal and Rural Adaptation

 

Roughly 5% of the world’s populations (370 million) are indigenous (tribal) peoples, who occupy about 25% of global land and make up around 15% of the extremely poor (The World bank, 2016).These indigenous populations are heavily dependent on the natural resources for their survival. The impact on tribal communities is likely to be further accelerated by their relatively higher reliance on natural support systems (NSS) that are sensitive to climate variation (INCCA, 2010; Gautam et al., 2013), making them among the most vulnerable groups to climate change and variability (Tsosie, 2007; Vermeulen et al., 2012). Climate change will alter the frequency and intensity of environmental events such as heat events, heavy rainfall, floods, and drought (IPCC, 2007) and is predicted to affect agriculture severely, influencing patterns and productivity of crop, livestock and fisheries (Lobell et al., 2008; Vermeulen et al., 2012). Food insecure populations in South Asia and Southern Africa are at large risk on crop production reduction unless adaptation measures are taken (Lobell et al., 2008). This will jeopardize development prospects, especially in developing countries (Porsche et al., 2011), where marginalised tribal communities already facing social and economic challenges. Thus, it is important to strengthen the resilience and adaptive capacity of tribal communities and the natural systems on which they depend across the globe. Increasing resilience requires appropriate and effective adaptation options for a more equitable public policy approach that can address poverty and vulnerability simultaneously (Eriksen and O’Brien, 2007; Hedger et al., 2008). However, at present there is a gap in interdisciplinary studies that include social factors that can facilitate or constrain changes in agriculture to adapt to climate change (Davidson, 2016).

 

There are a number of ways possible for mitigating climate vulnerability of small holders like tribal communities that rely on rain feed farming systems such as diversification of agricultural livelihood systems (Salluet al., 2010; Thornton et al., 2011; Vermeulen et al., 2012), prior information about seasonal climate forecasts for farmers (Hansenet al., 2011), index insurance where payouts are based on meteorological indexes correlated with agricultural losses (has worked well for small holders and tribal communities in India and Mexico) (Hess and Syroka, 2005; Hazell et al., 2010), water resource management (Hedger et al.,2008; Sallu et al., 2010). Social protection could be another option and include providing off-farm income, cash transfers, and transformationof societal relations to address underlying social and political vulnerability (Davies and Leavy, 2007). Asset transfer to rural poor and tribal communities that have been affected by climate stresses is a common coping strategy and can be managed either by cash, credits or livestock and poultry (Davies et al., 2008). Building assets can help vulnerable to increase their resilience and contribute to social protection (Tanner and Mitchell, 2008; Sallu et al., 2010; Blaikie et al., 2014). Ethiopia’s productivity Safety Net Programme (PSNP) has provided seasonal employment in public sector in exchange for food and cash, this have reduced the seasonal vulnerability of rural poor tribal communities for food insecurity and protected the house hold assets (Davies et al., 2008).

 

In India, tribal peoples make up 8.6%, or 104 million, of the total population (Ministry of Tribal affairs, 2013). The relative level of vulnerability in India differs between states, geographical locations and social groups within the same region. The differences invulnerability are attributable to substantial variations in orography, climate conditions and ecosystems, as well as differences in the social structures, economic status and requirements of different communities.

 

Various adaptation actions have been implemented to strengthen the adaptive capacity of vulnerable communities. The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) is one such incentive-based programme that creates employment by constructing productive durable assets at village level (Ministry of Rural Development, 2016). The Act was initially introduced in 2006 in the 200 least developed districts in India and has been since been expanded to all 619 districts in the country (Ministry of Rural Development, 2016). MGNREGA aims to enhance livelihood opportunities in rural areas by guaranteeing at least 100days’ employment within a financial year to an adult member of a rural household who is willing to volunteer to do unskilled manual work. MGNREGA provides an opportunity for the most vulnerable group in society, i.e. poor and marginalised people, to gain employment in a legal framework, which helps them achieve social empowerment (CSE, 2008; Ministry of Rural Development, 2016; Sudarshan and others, 2010). Since its inception, MGNREGA has contributed to agricultural production, especially in semi-arid regions of rural India (Ministry of Rural Development, 2016). This has been accomplished through creation and rejuvenation of assets related to water harvesting and conservation, which have led to increased access to irrigation for marginal farmers who would otherwise be dependent on rain for agriculture (Ganeriwala, 2010).The increase in agricultural production and water availability has enhanced the livelihood opportunities and standard of living of rural populations across India (Kedia, 2012; Emad, 2013; Krishnan and Balakrishnan, 2014). Improved rural infrastructure (road and sanitation measures) and an enhanced natural resource base have reduced the vulnerability of poor and marginalised people (Holmeset al., 2010; Sharma, 2015).

 

The programme has led to creation of durable assets that improve land and water resources and generate ecosystem services that strengthen the livelihood resource base of rural communities. Building assets for rural poor have been pointed in other studies tobe important for increasing resilience and contribute to social protection (Tanner and Mitchell, 2008; Sallu et al., 2010; Blaikie et al., 2014). The activities focus largely on climate-sensitive NSS, i.e. water, land and soil (Tiwari et al., 2009). NSS are the main source of livelihood for large sections of rural people in the India. Specifically, access to water is crucial for rural people in semi-arid areas who depend on agriculture for their livelihood. Improved storage facilities and prevention of run-off can significantly reduce the vulnerability of these people to increased climate variability due to climate change.

 

Furthermore, ecological regeneration or rejuvenation of NSS generates a number of tangible and intangible benefits to the community in a sustainable way. Apart from NSS stability, it also enhances livelihood security by reducing distress migration, strengthening local democracy and facilitating a decentralised development process (Hirway et al., 2008). There is an urgent need to implement adaptation measure to support resilience to climate change for food-insecure smallholders in many part of world especially South Asia and Southern Africa as they will be impacted negatively by climate change, (Lobell et al., 2008). MGNREGA, a government supported programme aims to counter the poverty by enhancing livelihood opportunities and therefore facilitate to achieve resilience to the smallholders like tribal people.

 

5.        Indigenous Adaptation in the Face of Climate Change

 

The impacts of climate change are now clear. Within the country, localities and regions are increasingly considering adaptation strategies in the face of the negative impacts of climate change (Maxine, 2013). Adaptation efforts are most critical at the local level (Maxine, 2013). Because uncertainty remains as to how exactly climate change may impact a particular locality, adaptive governance provides the necessary flexibility to regulate in the face of such uncertainty (Maxine, 2013).Tribes are not immune from the impacts of climate change. Though many tribal communities contribute little, if anything, to the problem of climate change, they are uniquely vulnerable to its impacts given their locations and connection to land (Randall and Kronk, 2013). As a result, tribes, just like other local and regional governments, are increasingly looking at adaptive strategies to increase resiliency in the face of climate change (Terri, 2013). In some instances, “Natives are at the forefront of these changes and have been forced to adapt” (Terri, 2013). This module takes a closer look at tribal adaptation plans in the hopesof identifying emerging trends.

 

6.        Climate change adaption and its implementation in Indian Country

 

As mentioned above, tribal governments are not immune to the impacts of climate change and have been working to develop their own adaptation strategies. Before exploring the specific adaptation strategies of various tribes, however, this section provides a brief introduction into what adaptation is generally. Following this brief introduction, the section considers factors that tribal communities may want to consider in developing their own adaptation strategies (Neil, 2007).

 

6.1 Brief Introduction to Adaptation

 

Today, strategies to cope with climate change can generally be categorized into one of two groups: adaptation or mitigation (U.S. Global Change Research Program, 2009). Policy makers in the 1990s and early 2000s largely focused on mitigation policies (Ruhl, 2010). For a variety of reasons, however, mitigation efforts proved largely unsuccessful in abating the impacts of climate change. As a result,“[a] comprehensive national strategy that successfully reduces greenhouse gas emissions to levels thought to be adequate to arrest climate change …quite clearly is not around the political corner” (Ruhl, 2010). Accordingly, advocates, scientists and politicians are increasingly considering adaptive strategies to cope with climate change (Ruhl, 2010).

 

Adaptation efforts differ from mitigation efforts in several respects. One of these differences is that “adaptation strategies are apt to be localized, and they may present opportunities for relatively quick action at the local level” (Shelley and Carol, 2013). Craig explains: “climate change adaptation …requires continually evolving strategies to cope with continually changing locally and regionally specific socio-ecological conditions” (Robin, 2013). The localized nature of adaptive strategies is an important facet when considering the role that tribal government’s play in developing such strategies.

 

Ruhl, who has written widely on the subject of climate change adaptation, explains the goals of adaptation planning: “First, it is to effectively and equitably manage the harms and benefits of climate change while mitigation does its work. Second, it is to supply interim strategies toput us in a position to resume long-term planning for sustainable development when climate change is ‘over” (Ruhl, 2010).

 

Ultimately, however, adaptation should not be the sole focus of any community; in part, this is because some communities are more vulnerable to climate change and less able to adapt. For example, scholars caution against policies focusing only on adaptation (Tsosie, 2007). Caution may be warranted because such policies have a tendency to hit the poor the hardest, as the poor generally have the most difficulty adapting due to lack of resources (Tsosie, 2007). Successful adaptation is a product of socioeconomic factors, as well as physical, environmental factors (Kaswan, 2012). Ultimately, in the many countries, because “poor and marginalized communities without sufficient financial and social resources will face significant adaptation challenges,” Kaswan concludes that “equity considerations should play a vital role in emerging U.S. adaptation initiatives (Kaswan, 2012)”.

 

In order to ensure that indigenous communities or tribal communities engage in successful adaptation, it is helpful to utilize an integrated method of adaptation that takes into consideration ecological, social and economic factors (Ruhl, 2010). Yet communities cannot be treated the same by adaptation planners, because such actions would result in inequity, and because there is wide diversity amongst tribal communities. Furthermore, in the case of tribal communities, it is also crucial that sovereignty, the right to self determination, human rights, environmental justice, the unique connection toland and the environment, and traditional environmental knowledge possessed by many tribal communities be taken into consideration (Ruhl, 2010).

 

There are two types of response orientation to adapting to climate change: proactive or reactive (Ruhl, 2010). For the most part, the adaptation strategies discussed are proactive. For many indigenous populations, however, reactive strategies are necessary. For example, several indigenous villages in Alaska are already in imminent danger of flooding and erosion, including Kivalina, Koyukuk, Newtok and Shishmaref. As a result, these communities are actively considering relocation, and, in the case of Newtok, have already begun relocation efforts (U.S. GEN. Accounting office, 2003). In this regard, use of adaptive strategies in Alaska may differ from the Lower where the impacts are not yet so dramatic. It is likely that there is more opportunity for proactive development of adaptation strategies in the lower states.

 

Finally, it is important to note that adaptation strategies include the possibility of relocation. When indigenous communities face relocation, like the Newtok and Kivalina communities currently face, additional legal challenges arise because of their status as indigenous communities. Moreover, relocation is very expensive. Given this expense and other challenges associated wither location, it may be that indigenous communities try to avoid relocation whenever possible. The complexities articulated above are only intensified by the fact that many indigenous people have unique connections to their land and environment (Kaswan, 2012).

 

At the end of the day, “climate change will require people todevelop new strategies for avoiding and recovering from its harms and capturing and harnessing its benefits” (Kaswan, 2012). Adaptation inevitably results in winners and losers, as resources are reallocated in the face of climate change (Kaswan, 2012).

 

6.2 Indigenous Adaptation

 

With a generalized background in climate change adaptation now in hand, this portion of the article considers what adaptation strategies utilized by indigenous peoples might include and looks at what some tribal communities are actually considering in their adaptation planning (Kaswan, 2012). As indigenous communities consider and implement adaptive strategies, a question arises as to who will be responsible for crafting such adaptive strategies. In Indian country, it is not uncommon for up to three different sovereigns to play a role in regulating and adjudicating the tribal community– the tribe, the federal government, and the relevant state government (Ruhl, 2010).

 

Ideally, tribal governments should be primarily responsible for making decisions related to climate change adaptation. However, given the uncertainty of the ultimate decision maker, this section develops factors that should be taken into consideration by any decision maker acting within indigenous communities. Specifically, some factors that tribes may want to take into consideration include: international human rights norms, environmental justice, and tribal sovereignty, the unique connection that many indigenous communities possess with their land and environment, and traditional environmental knowledge.

 

6.2.1 Human Rights

 

Tribes developing adaptive strategies may want to consider the international human rights framework. Because the negative impacts of climate change have the potential to impact human rights, especially of indigenous communities, numerous scholars have called on governments to assist indigenous peoples with adaptation (Cohen’s Handbook, 2012).

 

Tsosie concluded that an international human rights approach is appropriate to address the impacts of climate change on indigenous peoples because domestic solutions will not adequately address such impacts (Tsosie, 2007). Notably, a human rights approach may require a different method; as some indigenous communities may consider such rights, like those related to subsistence, to be communal rights. In considering the application of human rights norms to indigenous adaptation, it is important to distinguish sovereignty from self-determination, as indigenous communities may haverights based in both. “Sovereignty is a substantive legal status while self-determination is a political right that stems from an underlying moral claim” (Tsosie, 2007).

 

In considering what law applies to their adaptive efforts and specifically thinking about international human rights, tribes may want to consider the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People (UNDRIP, 2007). UNDRIP addresses international expectations regarding the basic rights enjoyed by indigenous peoples. Although not a binding legal document, the UNDRIP is helpful in providing a baseline as to what the United Nations and its member states believe are the rights (or should be) of indigenous peoples. Of particular importance here are the UNDRIP’s statements with regards to indigenous self-determination, property, and redress.

 

UNDRIP Article 3 states, “indigenous peoples have the right to self-determination” (UNDRIP, 2007). UNDRIP Article 10 states, “indigenous peoples shall not be forcibly removed from their lands or territories. No relocation shall take place without the free, prior and informed consent of the indigenous peoples concerned and after agreement on just and fair compensation and, where possible, the option to return.” (UNDRIP, 2007).

 

UNDRIP Article 26 states, “indigenous peoples have the right to the lands, territories and resources which they have traditionally owned, occupied or otherwise used or acquired…States shall give legal recognition and protection to these lands, territories and resources.” And, finally,

 

UNDRIP Article 28 states that, “Indigenous peoples have the right to redress, by means that can include restitution or, when this is not possible, just, fair and equitable compensation, for the lands, territories and resources which they have traditionally owned or otherwise occupied or used, and which have been confiscated, taken, occupied, used or damaged without their free, prior and informed consent (UNDRIP, 2007).

 

Furthermore, indigenous communities must be given an opportunity to actively participate in the dialogue on adaption. This is consistent with the general guideline that communication regarding adaptation is essential for any community, indigenous or non-indigenous, to adapt (Kaswan, 2012). The right to participate is also consistent with UNDRIP and the general international human rights framework.

 

6.2.2 Environmental Justice

 

Tribes developing adaptation strategies may also want to consider environmental justice because indigenous communities are “environmental justice” communities (Krakoff, 2002). “The term ‘environmental justice’ has been used to highlight the distributional impacts of the dominant society’s environmental decision-making process on disadvantaged communities, including poor and racial minorities” (Tsosie, 2007). “Even before climate change came into the picture, an environmental justice theme emerged around the inequitable burdens the poor and people of color have sustained in terms of disproportionate exposure to pollutants, proximity to industrial sites and contaminated lands, and limited access to environmental amenities” (Ruhl, 2010). In this regard, environmental justice is certainly applicable to indigenous people, who have contributed little if anything to the problem of climate change but are disproportionately bearing its negative impacts (Krakoff, 2002).

 

Climate change and its impacts on indigenous peoples are environmental justice issues, as “the disproportion between tribal contributions to global warming and the negative impacts on tribes qualifies as an environmental justice issue” (Krakoff, 2002). Ultimately, assuming the tribal community is a full participant in the development of its adaptation plan, it may be possible that “adaptation law can play a significant role in furthering climate justice” (Kaswan, 2012).

 

6.2.3 Tribal Sovereignty

 

Another factor to be considered when developing tribal adaptive strategies is tribal sovereignty. Notably, “tribal self-determination man dates that adaptation strategies in Indian country be decided by the governing tribes” (Weber, 2003). Tribal self-determination and sovereignty demand that indigenous communities are the decision makers in adaptation planning, as explained above under international human rights law. Moreover, adaptive measures, more so than mitigation measures, can be developed on a local level, which calls for increased participation by local governments – here indigenous governments.

 

Federally recognized tribes in the United States differ from other communities that may be impacted by climate change because of their status as sovereigns. Tribes’ legal rights flow as an initial matter from their sovereignty and their related historical management of the land and resources. Tribes exist as entities separate from state and federal governments. A myriad of historical legal developments led to this separateness (Weber, 2003). Although the nature of tribal sovereignty has changed since the founding of the United States of America, tribal sovereignty remains in place today (Ruhl, 2010).

 

Consistent with the necessity to recognize indigenous sovereignty to prevent injustice as well as international human rights norms, any adaptation policy applicable to indigenous peoples must provide for broad participation by the indigenous community. Generally, scholars have noted that community participation is necessary for successful climate change adaptation (Ruhl, 2010). Such participation from indigenous communities is particularly important. Also, consistent with the variety in indigenous governments and cultures, climate change impacts are variable (Ruhl, 2010), and therefore, any adaptation plans should address the individual needs of the indigenous community being impacted. Allowing for indigenous participation also helps ensure that these crucial differences are considered during adaptation planning. Notably, however, consideration of tribal sovereignty alone cannot ensure justice for tribal communities considering climate change adaptation.

 

Tsosie, (2007) explains that “the problem of climate change cannot be resolved through recognition of Native sovereignty, because the environmental harms are largely occurring beyond the boundaries of their lands.” Accordingly, wherever possible, tribes should work cooperatively with surrounding governments to develop effective adaptation strategies. Cooperation on a government-to-government basis also strengthens the foundation of tribal sovereignty.

 

6.2.4 Connection to Land

 

Finally, adaptation planning for indigenous communities should also take into consideration the unique cultural and spiritual connection that many indigenous communities have with their land and environment. Tsosie (2007) explains that the importance of land is particularly vital to many indigenous communities “There is no other place that indigenous people can go and still continue to practice their unique life ways and cultural practices. Geographical location is essential to indigenous identity. History has demonstrated time and again that the forcible removal of indigenous communities from their traditional lands, resources, and life ways results in immeasurable harm”.

 

Beyond legal connections to the land, as many as 58 indigenous peoples also have a strong spiritual and cultural connection to the land upon which they reside or to their traditional homelands. For many indigenous peoples, their spirituality is intimately connected to the Earth and their environment. As the effects of climate change ravage their environment, indigenous peoples may experience both a physical and spiritual loss connected with the negative impact on the environment. As an example of this connection, the Swinomish Climate Change Initiative Climate Adaptation Action Plan, discusses the link between tribal culture and community health (Tsosie, 2007).

 

Similarly, because of the close spiritual connection that many indigenous peoples have with the environment, their culture and traditions are also intimately connected to the larger environment (Tsosie, 2007). It is common place in many indigenous communities for annual traditions and customs to be tied to certain environmental occurrences. As climate change threatens to dramatically change the environment, culture and tradition may also therefore be threatened.

 

6.2.5 Traditional Environmental Knowledge

 

Related to this strong connection to land and place that many indigenous communities possess is traditional environmental knowledge (TEK). TEK “is used to describe a system of knowledge, practice, and belief that describes the relationship of living beings and their environment. This system has evolved through tradition as well as adaptive processes over time and have been passed from generation to generation by cultural transmission” (Tsosie, 2007). Accordingly, because of the strong connection many indigenous communities have to a particular land and place, such communities have developed TEK related to a particular place.

 

Burkett has considered the incorporation of TEK into climate change adaptation planning. Burkett explains: Integration of TEK, in the adaptation context, describes at least two different phenomena. It describes the indigenous methods used to respond to historical extremes that climate forecasts portend with greater frequency and severity – such as floods and drought – and suggests proven adaptations. It can also describe a lens, or worldview, with which decisions should be made that, might facilitate long range, multi-generational adaptive governance (Tsosie, 2007).

 

Increasingly, various entities from the United Nations to prominent non-governmental organizations are looking at the possibility of incorporating TEK into adaptation plans. Burkett further explains: “The increased interest in indigenous practices reflects a growing recognition of the way in which indigenous communities’ relationship to the physical space they inhabit, generally speaking, may provide better guidance for increasing resilience in a changing global environment. The tight physical and spiritual connection indigenous peoples cultivate with their land results in excellent observation and interpretation of changes to the land, sea and sky. Furthermore, this observation and interpretation has occurred over time, producing a ‘chronological landscape-specific precision and detail’ that is lacking in Western scientific models, which operate at much broader spatial and temporalscales” (Tsosie, 2007).

 

Accordingly, because TEK traditionally differs from Western or scientific knowledge, it may be a valuable addition to adaptation planning. Because of the reasons explained by Professor Burkett – flexibility, knowledge based on close connection to the land, better guidance for increased resiliency – tribes working to develop adaptation plans may wish to incorporate their own TEK into such plans.

 

7.          Summary

  • Having generally introduced the concept of climate change adaptation and then looked specifically at adaptation plans developed by tribes.
  • It has been simply understood that ecology and tribal society have a very core relationship.
  • it is also true to say that every society needs to change according to change of the universe and nature but that changes should not be on the cost of life and livelihood.
  • the total population of the Scheduled Tribes (STs) in India is constituting 8.6 percent of the total population of the country.
  • The proportion of the STs to the total population of the States/Union territories is highest in Mizoram (94.5 percent)and Lakshadweep (94.5 percent).
  • Forests are vital economic and cultural resources for many tribal population of world.
  • Climate change will affect temperature and moisture regimes that have important implications for tribal forestry.
  • Tribes can prepare for climate threats by carrying out periodic forest assessments that evaluate observed climate change impacts and species’ climate change vulnerability.
  • The human body readily responds to changing environmental stresses in a variety of biological and cultural ways.
  • Humans normally respond to environmental stresses in four ways: genetic change, developmental adjustment, acclimatization, cultural practices and technology.
  • There are a number of ways possible for mitigating climate vulnerability of small holders.
  • Various adaptation actions have been implemented to strengthen the adaptive capacity of vulnerable communities.
  • The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) is one such incentive-based programme that creates employment by constructing productive durable assets at village level.
  • Furthermore, ecological regeneration or rejuvenation of NSS generates a number of tangible and intangible benefits to the community in a sustainable way.
  • The impacts of climate change are now clear.
  • Tribal governments are not immune to the impacts of climate change and have been working to develop their own adaptation strategies.
  • Today, strategies to cope with climate change can generally be categorized into one of two groups: adaptation or mitigation
  • Adaptation efforts differ from mitigation efforts in several respects.
  • In order to ensure that indigenous communities or tribal communities engage in successful adaptation, it is helpful to utilize an integrated method of adaptation that takes into consideration ecological, social and economic factors
  • There are two types of response orientation to adapting to climate change: proactive or reactive
  • Some factors that tribes may want to take into consideration include: international human rights norms, environmental justice, and tribal sovereignty, the unique connection that many indigenous communities possess with their land and environment, and traditional environmental knowledge.
you can view video on Ecological adaptation among tribal population

 

References

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    Suggested Readings

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  • Bates, Marston. 1955. The Prevalence of People. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
  • Bennett, John W. 2005. The Ecological Transition: Cultural Anthropology and Human Adaptation. Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers.
  • Bettinger, Robert. 1996. “Neofunctionalism.” In Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology. Four volumes. David Levinson and Melvin Ember, eds. Pp. 851-853. New York: Henry Holt.
  • Descola, Philippe and Gísli Pálsson eds. 1996. Nature and Society: Anthropological Perspective. New York: Routledge.
  • Dove, Michael R. and Carol Carpenter. 2008. Environmental Anthropology: A Historical Reader. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
  • Ellen, Roy eds. 2007. Modern Crises and Traditional Strategies: Local Ecological Knowledge in Island Southeast Asia. New York: Berghahn Books.
  • Ellen, Roy. 1982. Environment, Subsistence and System: The Ecology of Small-Scale Social Formations. New York: Cambridge University Press.
  • Geertz, Clifford. 1963. Agricultural Involution: The Process of Ecological Change in Indonesia. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
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  • Harris, Marvin. 1968. The Rise of Anthropological Theory: A History of Theories of Culture. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
  • Headland, Thomas N. 1997. Revisionism in Ecological Anthropology. In Current Anthropology 38:605-630.
  • Kottak, Conrad P. 1999. The New Ecological Anthropology. In American Anthropologist 101:23-35.
  • Mc Elroy, Ann and Patricia K. Townsend. 2008. Medical Anthropology in Ecological Perspective. 5th ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
  • Milton, Kay. 1997. Ecologies: Anthropology, Culture and the Environment. In International Social Sciences Journal 49:477-495.
  • Moran, Emilio F. 1979. Human Adaptability: An Introduction to Ecological Anthropology. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
  • Moran, Emilio F. 1983. The Dilemma of Amazonian Development. 2nd eds. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
  • Moran, Emilio F. 1984. The Ecosystem Concept in Anthropology. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
  • Moran, Emilio F. 1990. The Ecosystem Approach in Anthropology. 2nd ed. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
  • Moran, Emilio F. 2006. People and Nature: An Introduction to Human Ecological Relations. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishing.
  • Moran, Emilio F. 2007. Human Adaptability: An Introduction to Ecological Anthropology. 3rd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
  • Moran, Emilio F. 2000. Human Adaptability: An Introduction to Ecological Anthropology. 2nd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
  • Netting, Robert McC. 1977. Cultural Ecology. Reading, Massachusetts: Cummings Publishing Company.
  • Netting, Robert McC. 1986. Cultural Ecology. 2nd ed. Long Grove, Illinois: Waveland Press, Inc.
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  • Townsend, Patricia. 2008. Environmental Anthropology: From Pigs to Politics. 2nd ed. Long Grove, Illinois: Waveland Press, Inc.
  • Vayda Andrew P. and Bonnie J. McCay. 1975. New Directions in Ecology and Ecological Anthropology. In Annual Review of Anthropology 4:293-306.
  • Vayda, Andrew P. 2009. Explaining Human Actions and Environmental Changes. Lanham, Maryland: AltaMira Press.
  • Vayda, Andrew P., ed. 1969 Environment and Cultural Behavior. Garden City, New York: The Natural History Press.
  • Walters, Bradley B., Bonnie J. McCay, Paige West, and Susan Lees. 2008. Against the Grain: The Vayda Tradition in Human Ecology and Ecological Anthropology. Lanham, Maryland: AltaMira Press.
  • White, Leslie A. 1959. Energy and Tools. In Readings for a History of Anthropological Theory 3rd. Paul A. Erickson and Liam D. Murphy, eds. Pp. 293-310. Toronto, Ontario: University of Toronto Press, Inc.
  • Winthrop, Robert H. 1991. Dictionary of Concepts in Cultural Anthropology. New York: Greenwood Press

     Glossary

 

Adapt, Adaptation: Adjustment in natural or human systems in response to the effects of a changing environment in a manner that attempts to exploit beneficial opportunities or moderate negative effects.

 

Adaptive capacity: The ability of a system to adjust to environmental changes (including climate change, climate variability, and weather extremes), to moderate potential damages, to take advantage of opportunities, or to cope with the consequences, with minimum disruption or cost. A system with high adaptive capacity can better deal with climate change impacts than one with low adaptive capacity.

 

Climate Change: Changes in the Earth’s physical systems that occur over very long time periods, rather than over shorter natural or seasonal cycles; often refers to changes resulting from warming caused by increased greenhouse gas concentrations

 

Mitigation (as used in climate change context): An intervention to reduce the causes of changes in climate, such as through reducing emissions of greenhouse gases to the atmosphere.

 

Planning Area: A subcategory of a sector, it is an area in which the tribal government manages, plans, or makes policy affecting the services and activities associated with built, human, and natural systems. Example: within the sector Utilities, you might have planning areas of Water Supply and Electricity.

 

Resilience:In the context of environmental change, the capability to anticipate, prepare for, respond to, and recover from threats from such changes with minimal damage to well-being.

 

Risk: This is afunction of the magnitude of the potential consequences of an impact and probability(likelihood) that the impact will happen. See Risk Matrix.

 

Sensitivity: Degree to which a system (natural, human, built) is affected by changes in climate or climate change impacts. If it is likely to be affected, it is considered sensitive to climate change.

 

System: built, natural, and human networks that provide important services within a community or region

 

Vulnerability (impact level): Degree to which a system is susceptible to or unable to cope with adverse effects environmental change, including climate change, climate variability, and weather extremes. It is a function of both the sensitivity of the system and its adaptive capacity. It is also a function of the character, magnitude, and rate of climate variation to which a system is exposed (exposure). A system that is sensitive to climate and has low adaptive capacity would be considered vulnerable to climate change impacts. See Vulnerability Matrix