6 Historical Particularism: Boas School

Dr. Vijeta Dr. Vijeta

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Introduction

 

Historicism or Historical Particularism is an approach to the study of anthropology and culture dating back to the mid 19th and early 20th century and encompassing two distinct forms of historicism, diffusion and historical particularism. While socio-cultural evolution offered an explanation of culture change—what happened and where, it was unable to describe the particular influences on and processes of cultural change and development. To accomplish this end, an historical approach was needed for the study of cultural change and the development not only of what happened and where but also why and how. Boas stressed the apparently enormous complexity of cultural variation, and perhaps because of this complexity he believed it was premature to formulate universal laws. He felt that single cultural traits had to be studied in the context of the society in which they appeared. In 1896, Boas published an article entitled “The Limitation of the Comparative Method of Anthropology,” which dealt with his objections to the evolutionist approach. In it, he stated that anthropologists should spend less time developing theories based on insufficient data. Rather, they should devote their energies to collecting as much data as possible, as quickly as possible, before cultures disappeared (as so many already had, after contact with foreign societies). He asserted that valid interpretations could be made and theories proposed only after this body of data was gathered. Boas expected that, if a tremendous quantity of data was collected, the laws governing cultural variation would emerge from the mass of information by themselves. According to the method he advocated, the essence of science is to mistrust all expectations and to rely only on facts. But, the “facts” that are recorded, even by the most diligent observer, will necessarily reflect what that individual considers important. Collecting done without some preliminary theorizing, without ideas about what to expect, is meaningless, for the facts that are most important may be ignored whereas irrelevant ones may be recorded. Although it was appropriate for Boas to criticize previous “armchair theorizing,” his concern with innumerable local details did not encourage a belief that it might be possible to explain the major variations in culture that anthropologists observe (http://catalogue.pearsoned.ca).

 

Boas produced no definition of culture. Instead he concentrated on first, on refuting the evolutionist perspective and in doing so developed the characteristics of culture which today anthropologist sill agree to even though they do not agree on a definition of culture. Boas established that culture is learned, shared, meaning centred and integrated. Moreover, Boas shifted anthropological thought from the origin of Culture to the investigation of individual cultures which Boas held to be unique and diverse. For Boas, cultures were composed of numerous traits, each with a history and situated as a result of diffusion (Harris, 2010).

 

Factors Leading to Boas’ Culture Concept

 

First factor was Boas’ desire to work out the detailed history of delimited regions or what Alfred Kroeber was to call culture areas. The principal methodological technique he used for this was the study of the dissemination or diffusion of traits. For example, by an investigation of myths he concluded that, at least with respect to mythology, the Navaho were more strongly influenced from the northwest of North American than the northeast or the Mississippi Area. In brief, myths are products of such complex histories that the search for origins is futile. The speculation of men like Tylor—who held, for example, that “nature myths” originate in the savage’s desire to understand the universe cannot be proven. An even more fundamental result of Boas’ conclusion regarding the complexity of history is that he came to regard culture as an emergent system. It is not to be understood as the product of natural mental operations of individual human beings, but as the result of its own sui generis, historical principles. In particular, cultural traits are to be explained in terms of the principles of diffusion and modification, the latter of which is the process whereby a trait is reshaped to fit the new cultural context in which it is found. Boas insistence that culture is “historically determined” amounts to saying that it is emergent. Closely associated with the development of Boas’ view that culture is an emergent system is the growth of his cultural determinism. If culture does not arise from within the human being, then it must come to him ready-made from without. Boas’ held that human beings learn rather than create their culture: human behaviour and beliefs reflect not his native intelligence but the cultural tradition in which they are raised Boas rejection of the racial explanation of mental differences is famous and this rejection “took place mainly because Boas generally elaborated the alternative explanation of mental differences in term of cultural determinism.” Boas recognition of cultural determinism of the “iron hold of culture upon the average individual”, also led him to see how thoroughly people are modified by tradition. A second important factor contributing to the emergence of Boas’ culture concept was his fascination for getting behind the veil separating him from foreign modes of thought. Boas conceived of the problem of subjective understanding in terms radically different from those envisaged by Tylor (www.udel.edu).

 

Historical Particularism: Boas School

 

Boas is the name most often associated with the historicist approach to anthropology. He did not feel that the grand theories of socio-political evolution or diffusion were provable. To him the notion of there being one single human culture (emphasized by the term Culture with a capital C) that all societies were evolving towards were flawed especially those that had a western model of civilization as that towards which all societies are evolving. His belief was that many cultures (here for the first time the term cultures with small c meaning a diversity of cultures is used for the first time) developed independently, each based on its own particular set of circumstances such as geography, climate, environment, resources and particular cultural borrowing. Based on this belief, reconstructing the history of individual cultures requires an in depth investigation that compares groups of cultural traits in specific geographical areas. Then the distribution of these cultural traits is plotted. Once the distribution of many sets of cultural traits is plotted for a general geographic area, patterns of cultural borrowing may be determined. This allows the reconstruction of individual histories of specific cultures by informing the investigator which cultural elements are borrowed and which was developed individually. Cultures then are diverse and unique and comprised of countless individual traits. For Boas, cultures were bundles of traits. Boas argued that each cultural trait has a complex past, and therefore he total cultural assemblage of a people “has its own unique history”. He rejected the notion of more or less uniform evolutionary stages since the presence or absence of pottery, metallurgy, or the like in a given area “seems due more too geographical location than to general cultural causes.” Boas successfully brought about the demise of socio-cultural evolutionism primarily first by showing that there data was speculative and un-provable and second showing that returning to points of origin was impossible and third shifting the focus from “C”ulture to diverse, unique and integrated cultures (www.udel.edu).

 

In a paper published in 1887 on “The Study of Geography”, Boas distinguished between two fundamentally different scientific pursuits. The first seeks to discover general laws of the universe and it considers a particular phenomenon of interest only for what it reveals about some natural law. The second approach consists of “the study of phenomena for their own sake”. This approach seeks to understand phenomena as they appear to the human observer; interest is directed toward a thorough understanding of the phenomena themselves rather than toward the laws which they express. Boas argued that the two forms of science are compatible and equally valid. This division of scientific interest is reflected in Boas’ early work in anthropology. He was quite explicit that the first form of science occupies an important place in the discipline. He wrote that, “certain laws exist which govern the growth of human culture and it is our endeavour to discover these laws.” Boas was critical of the earlier comparative method employed by the evolutionist however, and argued that a fresh approach was needed. The earlier method was to construct classificatory schemes with which to organize the ethnographic data; these schemes were based on the principle that the simpler and more “irrational” customs are earlier. In other words, the evolutionist assumed that their system of classification represented history. Boas rejected this assumption and he argued that the laws of evolution can be derived only from an analysis of actual histories of delimited regions. It was characteristic of the period in which Boas wrote to regard human institutions as expressions of mental life. Both the positivists and idealists, in spite of their differences agreed on this point. Consequently, it is not surprising that Boas believed that evolutionary law were to be found in the “psychical laws of the human mind” Like Tylor Boas though that culture could be reduced to individual mental processes. The second form of science, that which is concerned not with the search for universal laws but with an understanding of phenomena for their own sake, played an even more important role in Boas’ early anthropology. He held that the primary means for achieving this kind of understanding is the historical approach: it is possible to attain “an intelligent understanding of culture by discovering how it came to be what it is. In his early work, Boas returned again and again to the detailed historical accounts of particular regions, especially in his many articles on folklore. The historical approach tracing diffusion was not the only one which he used in order to achieve this form of understanding, however, for he also employed the principle of subjective interpretation. He attended a conference in Berlin where he had the opportunity to interview some Northwest Coast Indians, who had been brought to Berlin, “and opportunity was thus given to cast a brief glance behind the veil that covered the life of those people.” He commented that “the attraction became irascible” and with the financial aid of some friends he set off for research in British Columbia. What attracted him so strongly was not history but the desire to get “behind the veil” that stood between him and the thought of the Indians. Boas interest in the subjective side of culture constituted a major theme in his work, and the motivation behind this interest seems to have been the desire for understanding simply for understanding sake (www.udel.edu).

 

Cultural relativism is an important aspect of historical particularism. This position holds that there are no higher or lower forms of culture. Note that this results from the presupposition that all cultures are unique and essentially disparate. Biblically this presupposition breaks down because all peoples are descended from the one man Adam and all shared a common culture before Babel. There is certain validity in treating each culture as having its own distinct nature and history but this must not be pressed too far. Since all cultures incorporate beliefs, values, customs and institutions which are now, to a lesser or greater extent at variance from the human culture of the first community, then to the extent that there are biblical absolutes which have bearing on the acceptability to God of cultural expressions, it must be conceded that some cultural differences can be regarded as ‘higher’ or ‘lower’. It is not true that the description of some cultural practices as being ‘savage’ or ‘barbaric’, and therefore as being inferior, is simply a result of ethnocentrism. Cannibalism is wrong and incest is evil in any culture. It is savage and barbaric and it is culturally inferior to a vast variety of other cultural ways of treating enemies. However the school of cultural relativism must not be regarded as entirely incompatible with a biblical approach to culture. In the first place Boas and his students made an immense contribution, through the promotion of ethnographic fieldwork, towards the development of a more accurate knowledge of other cultures and this showed clearly that “the evolutionists had indeed misrepresented or overlooked the complexities of so‐called primitive cultures and that they had grossly underestimated the intelligence and ingenuity of the non‐Caucasoid, non‐ European people of the world.” (Wilson, 2012).

 

Conclusion

 

Boas put the idea that while all cultures are different they are nevertheless equal (the concept of cultural relativism). He argued that using a predetermined evolutionary schema to classify them was “not only insulting to their separate historical developments, but also bad scholarship.” Boas insisted on the importance of detailed studies of individual cultures, marshalling “archaeological evidence, the mapping out of the diffusion of cultural traits amongst neighbouring peoples, and the detailed examination of language and customs.” The result was the establishment of the “historical school” of anthropology, promoting the approach known as historical particularism. Boas argued that the attempt to explain human thought in terms of social organisation ignored the role of people as thinking, acting beings, and led to a relativisation of all systems of belief (including religion and science) which undermined the claims of cultural evolutionists (social determinists) themselves. Peter Berger noted: Relativizing analysis, in being pushed to its final consequences, bends back upon it. The relativizers are relativized, the debunkers are debunked ‐ indeed, relativization itself is somehow liquidated (Wilson, 2012).

 

Historical Particularism claims that each society has its own unique historical development and must be understood based on its own specific cultural context, especially its historical process. Puts a high value on fieldwork and history as a method of cultural analysis, Franz Boas was the key anthropologist in this school of thought. He believed all humans are biologically equal; the difference among human society is the result of culture. This type of thought rejected what was being studied in the late 19th to early 20th century. The theories of: Institutionalized Racism & Cultural Evolution Model. Boas’s claims of historical Particularism had important implications. Important points of historical Particularism were-

  • No umbrella evaluation system for cultures -does not work. So, Cultures must be evaluated under their own terms.
  • Cross cultural comparison can be done but it is not a reliable source of info. So, all elements of a culture need to be taken into account when comparing cultures, an anthropologist cannot pick and choose characteristics.

 

Boas concluded that Ethnographic data collection through fieldwork is a good way to collect reliable data (Harris, 2010).

 

Summary

 

Historicism or Historical Particularism is an approach to the study of anthropology and culture dating back to the mid 19th and early 20th century and encompassing two distinct forms of historicism, diffusion and historical Particularism. Boas stressed the apparently enormous complexity of cultural variation, and perhaps because of this complexity he believed it was premature to formulate universal laws. He felt that single cultural traits had to be studied in the context of the society in which they appeared. Boas produced no definition of culture. Instead he concentrated on first, on refuting the evolutionist perspective and in doing so developed the characteristics of culture which today anthropologist sill agree to even though they do not agree on a definition of culture. Boas established that culture is learned, shared, meaning centred and integrated. Moreover, Boas shifted anthropological thought from the origin of Culture to the investigation of individual cultures which Boas held to be unique and diverse. For Boas, cultures were composed of numerous traits, each with a history and situated as a result of diffusion (Harris, 2010). First factor was Boas’ desire to work out the detailed history of delimited regions or what Alfred Kroeber was to call culture areas. The principal methodological technique he used for this was the study of the dissemination or diffusion of traits. A second important factor contributing to the emergence of Boas’ culture concept was his fascination for getting behind the veil separating him from foreign modes of thought. Boas conceived of the problem of subjective understanding in terms radically different from those envisaged by Tylor. To him the notion of there being one single human culture (emphasized by the term Culture with a capital C) that all societies were evolving towards were flawed especially those that had a western model of civilization as that towards which all societies are evolving. His belief was that many cultures(here for the first time the term cultures with small c meaning a diversity of cultures is used for the first time) developed independently, each based on its own particular set of circumstances such as geography, climate, environment, resources and particular cultural borrowing. Based on this belief, reconstructing the history of individual cultures requires an in depth investigation that compares groups of cultural traits in specific geographical areas. Then the distribution of these cultural traits is plotted. Once the distribution of many sets of cultural traits is plotted for a general geographic area, patterns of cultural borrowing may be determined. This allows the reconstruction of individual histories of specific cultures by informing the investigator which cultural elements are borrowed and which was developed individually. Cultures then are diverse and unique and comprised of countless individual traits. For Boas, cultures were bundles of traits. Boas argued that each cultural trait has a complex past, and therefore he total cultural assemblage of a people “has its own unique history”. Cultural relativism is an important aspect of historical Particularism. This position holds that there are no higher or lower forms of culture. Note that this results from the presupposition that all cultures are unique and essentially disparate. Boas put the idea that while all cultures are different they are nevertheless equal (the concept of cultural relativism). He argued that using a predetermined evolutionary schema to classify them was “not only insulting to their separate historical developments, but also bad scholarship.” Boas insisted on the importance of detailed studies of individual cultures, marshalling “archaeological evidence, the mapping out of the diffusion of cultural traits amongst neighbouring peoples, and the detailed examination of language and customs.” Boas’s claims of historical Particularism had important implications. Important points of historical Particularism were one is that no umbrella evaluation system for cultures -does not work. So, Cultures must be evaluated under their own terms. While second one is that cross cultural comparison can be done but it is not a reliable source of info. So, all elements of a culture need to be taken into account when comparing cultures, an anthropologist cannot pick and choose characteristics. Boas concluded that Ethnographic data collection through fieldwork is a good way to collect reliable data.

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References/Suggested Readings

  • Boas,  F., 1896. The limitations of the comparative method of anthropology. Science, pp.901-908.
  • Boas,  F.,  1932. Anthropology and modern life. transaction publishers.
  • Boas,  F., 1940. Race, language, and culture (Vol. 90449). University of Chicago Press.
  • Boas, F., 1955. Primitive art (Vol. 8). Courier Corporation.
  • Boas, F., 1989. A Franz Boas reader: the shaping of American anthropology, 1883-1911. University of Chicago Press.
  • Boas, F., 2013. The mind of primitive man. BoD–Books on Demand.
  • Bunzl, M., 1996. Franz Boas and the Humboldtian tradition. Volksgeist as method and ethic, pp.17-78.
  • Eriksen, T.H. and Nielsen, F.S., 2001. A history of anthropology (p. 216). London: Pluto Press.
  • Glazer, M., 2011. Cultural Relativism. available via www. utpa. edu/faculty/mglaazer cultural_relativism.html
  • Harris,    M.    2010.           Historical    Particularism:     An    Introduction   to    cultural    anthropology
  • https://soa212.wordpress.com/2010/09/18/historical-particularism.
  • https://www.udel.edu/anthro/budani/boas.pdf
  • Harris, M., 2001. The rise of anthropological theory: A history of theories of culture. Alta Mira Press.
  • King, P.T., 1983. The History of Ideas: An Introduction to Method.
  • Lesser, A., 2004. Franz Boas. Totems and Teachers: Key Figures in the History of Anthropology, pp.1-26.
  • Pearson my anthrolab: History of Anthropological Theories- http://catalogue.pearsoned.ca/ assets/hip/ca/hip_ca_pearsonhighered/samplechapter/0205738826.pdf.
  • Scupin, R., 2015. Cultural anthropology a global perspective. Pearson.
  • Wilson, K. M. 2012. Historical Approaches to Understanding Cultural Difference.
  • www.facetofaceintercultural.com.au
  • Wolf, E.R., 1969. American anthropologists and American society. Concepts and assumptions in contemporary anthropology, (3), pp.5-11.