35 Tribe and its Problematic Nature

Mitashree Srivastava

    UNITS OF THE CONTENTS:

• A Monographic study of CHOR KA EK GAON
• The Himalayan Polyandry: Structure, Functioning and Culture Change, A field study of Jaunsar-Bawar,

   A Monographic study of CHOR KA EK GAON (A Village on the Fringe) by Dhirendra Nath Majumdar (Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1960)

A Look Back at Village studies in India

During the mid -twentieth century Uttar Pradesh emerged as the most important state of the Union, not only in respect of size and population, but also in leadership and scholarship. Soon after independence Community Development Program (CDP) was introduced in the country with great zeal and it was thought of an instrument of transforming rural people. Uttar Pradesh turned into a laboratory for sociological and anthropological studies by both foreign and national scholars. Professor D N Majumdar is held as the father of Anthropology in Uttar Pradesh, and besides teaching Anthropology at Lucknow University he played active roles by preparing action oriented work for a newly created U.P. government body known as Planning Research and Action Institute. The two monographs of Professor Majumdar being reviewed here are examples of pattern of diverse rural life in north India. It was Majumdar who initiated the study of communication in a village (Mohana Kallan) near Lucknow.

We must not forget that the decade 1950-60 was characterized by studies on Indian villages with diverse conceptual orientations. M.N. Srinivas, for example, studied dominant caste and process of sanskritization in rural belts, Morris Opler (with R.D. Singh) examined unity and extension of a village (Senapur, UP), McKim Marriot looked for elements of Little tradition of Kishangarhi (a village in Aligarh district) contributed development of Great tradition of India and vice-versa. Oscar Lewis examined how an Indian village (Rani Khera, Delhi) is different from a Mexican village (Tepoztlan) and how inter- village networks work in north India what he called “rural cosmopolitanism”. About the same time S. C. Dube was working in Rankhandi Block (Saharanpur, U P.) discovering cultural and human factors involved in Community Development Projects. F. G, Bailey’s study was along the line of tribal-rural continuum in a village of Odhisa. Professor Majumadar thought of investigating how a village on the fringe functions. This the subject matter of his monograph reviewed below.

Dr. Majumdar’s Chor ka ek Gaon (A village on the fringe) is definitely a departure from above studies. It was first published in 1960 shortly after his sad demise in May, 1960. Originally the script was written in English by him in 1958. His desire was the book is published in Hindi first. His student, Chandra Bhal Tripathy, translated the scripts into Hindi. Unfortunately, its English version never got published, perhaps lost in the Press!

Research Area and People

A village named BALUGA about 60 kms.  from Hanthinala of Robertsganj (Mirzapur district of North west Uttar Pradesh was treated as a fringe or chor village, but the actual field work was done in Chitaura, a tribal village of  Dudhi tahsil, not very far away from  the Duddhi railway station.  Chor means “the outer part of something”.  In the context of rural study, it means  a village which has lost its original tribal features and has become a multi caste village having no common solidarity often seen elsewhere. Duddhi communities over the period of time have borrowed the cultural traits of each other simultaneously. He called this cultural process “trans-culturation”. In addition, a fringe village is under the influence of external power, i.e. the government intervention, cultural tolerance and is open to economic wellbeing. We will take up this point later on.

Reason for selection of a fringe village

Professor Majumdar first describes the reason for studying a village at the outskirt in anthropological terms. Mostly ethnographers (as noted above) studied caste/ tribe dominated village, multi caste village, its social organization, economic interdependence, decision making processes (local level politics) and ritual characteristics. Professor Majumdar deviated from earlier studies and concentrated on a defined bordering area having features of de-tribalization and trans- culturation. He called this fringe features. That’s why the title of monograph is A CHOR KA EK GAON.

To Majumdar, the following are the constituent elements of a fringe village:

1.      Its geographical characters

2.      Its communities- tribals and non-tribals

3.      Socio economic relationships among communities

4.      Religious characteristics

5.      Responses to the development  programs

6.      Rapid de- tribalization

7.      Increase of trans- culturation

Keeping the above points in view we may now present chapter wise relevant information as described by the ethnographer.

Chapter 1 Duddhi and Its Inhabitants

Duddhi is a revenue village of the district of Mirzapur of southern western Uttar Pradesh. Its northern region falls in the Gangetic plains as such its region is very fertile. Middle and southern regions of district are surrounded by the Kaimur hills and Sone River. The famous Rehand barrage has been constructed here. The hilly and forest tracts of Sone turn the area into a natural bondage. The hilly tracts are rich in mineral deposits of lime stone. Agriculture is the main stay of the people. Duddhi is the most backward region of the district.

Duddhi is a large revenue circle which embraces a number of villages. For the study purpose the ethnographer selected a revenue circle (Duddhi), and its surrounding villages fully described in the next chapter. The inhabitants are both tribals and non-tribals. Their socio-cultural statuses in hierarchal order are as follow:

Brahman

Thakur

Kalear, Agrahari

Lohar, Ahir, Kewat

Kumar, Teli

Sardar, Chero Manjhi’

Pasi, Panika, Chamar

Bhiuyan

Korwa

Most of the higher Hindu caste communities are migrants from Bihar (now Jharkhand) and Madhya Pradesh (Chahttisgarh). These two states surround the border of Duddhi, i.e. Mirzapur (now Sonbhadra) of Uttar Pradesh.

The Koiree and Kunbi in large population are primarily agriculturalists. Communities are endogamous and live in villages independently. Among all, Korwa are most primitive tribal group. A little better position is of Agheria ehgaged in metal work, supply tools to the agricultural communities. They are mainly concentrated in middle of Duddhi close to Kirril iron mines from where they obtain irone ores.

Manjhi or Majhwar come next to Agheria. They are agriculturalist migrated from Sarguja district of Madhya Pradesh. Kherwar are engaged in katha production and also work in agricultural field. They are mainly distributed in northern, North West and north western villages of Duddhi such as Hathwani, Mordhawa, Dallapeepal, Belguri. They consider themselves superior to tribals and claim themselves originated from Kshatria varna.

Chero are the oldest inhabitants of Duddhi. They act as Purohit and Ojha and the local communities in magico-religious ceremonies. They are also known as Baiga. A group of Chero community, locally called Parahiya lives in Duddhi. Basically, Chero or Baiga are custodian of village God. Today they are fully acculturated and follow Hindu way of way of life.

Majhwar or Manjhi are the Gond migrated from Madhya Pradesh long ago. They are a successful agricultural community settled in several villages of Duddhi.

Korwa are the most primitive group in Duddhi. They migrated from the villages of Kundpan, Chainpur, Bisrampur and Sangobang of Surguja (Chahttisgarh)) long ago. Today their population is on decrease.

Panika are migrated from neighboring villages of Bihar and they are in good number in Duddhi. They are one of the Proto-Australoid groups. Earlier they were weavers. Today they have given up this work are engaged in agriculture. They are, like Agheria, distributed throughout Duddhi Tahsil.

To sum, the tribal communities are the oldest settlers of Duddhi. Hindu higher caste communities came to this area later on when British government required their services in collection of revenue and education. Each tribal population is different from the other; their families vary from 5 to 15. Distance between two villages is fewer furlong. Nearer to the tahsil lesser are the distance of villages.

It is difficult to furnish demographic profile of Duddhi. (The ethnographer did not cite census of per available records, in 1881 the density of population in Duddhi was 99 per sq mile. In 1891 it was 65.58. 1n 1901 it rose to 73 while in 1931 it reached 97.3 per sq,km.

Duddhi is largely rain water agricultural region. Its tribals works in forest, mines and neighboring areas on wage during agriculture off season. However, well off families of Gond, Chero, Baiga, Panika, Agheria enjoy their surplus. The region has lost traditional tribal dress, dance and music.

Chapter 2: Villages under Study

The study is mainly based on Chittaura village and its three wards, viz. Piparahi, Mahuaria, and Chutkai Bahra. (Elsewhere in official record Dhanaura is noted,but Dr Majumdar never mentioned Dhanaura in the book). All wards or tola come within a radius of 4 km. The village is located only two kms from Duddhi railway station. According to a government record, Chittaura was first surveyed in 1874. The area was fully agriculture. Nanku Manjhi name has occurred in the paper. According to him, his forefathers came from Rewa as the region was under the control of Singhrauli King. Finally it came under the control of the British government in 1842. The first officer was Robertson. Robertsganj is named after him, of which Duddhi is a part. In 1874 the area came under the control of the government and Duddhi was made as its important revenue circle. Today after Jokhan Manjhi, Saivadaman Singh the Sarpurdar (a term close to Zamindar) of Duddhi. Now the Surpudari or zaminadari system has been abolished.

Chitaura is a multi caste village. It has as many as 12 Hindu castes and 5 tribal groups. Nearly 77% of village population is of caste communities, 23% (Manjhi, Kherwar, Chero, Panika and Bhuinya) is of tribal communities. The original settlers were Manjhi. Bhuinya whose ancestors (Bhagirthi clan) were related to Manjhi lived about 4 kms west of Chitaura. Nanku once hired a Chamar family for work since then Chamar family is residing here. Brahman families migrated from Rewa (M.P.) followed by Thakur families. Because of their education they occupied important position in Chitayra while working with the government. Well-to-do families of Chitaura are Thakur and Brahmin. Baniya migrated from Bihar and started business here by opening shops, etc. Today their families are the richest in the area. In 1904 Collector Windham started Lakra barrage and about this time Chitaura became a popular name in neighboring regions (Bihar, MP and Mirzapur). Soon on completion of barrage in 1908 Duddhi became famous for paddy cultivation. Construction of Rihand barrage though located quite far away from Chitaura did yield its powerful impact on Duddhi region and its inhabitants.

Chapter 3 Socio- Economic System

Before the introduction of Community Development Programmes in Duddhi, the inhabitants of Chitaura practiced agriculture in traditional way, mainly by plow and manually. Cow dung in plenty was used fields. Unlike other villages of western eastern U.P. Cow dung cakes were not used for fire cooking. Water in pond and handmade wells are used to irrigate fields during off rainy season.

Crop types: Chitaura yields both Kharif and Rabi. The Kharif crops are of two variteis, viz. Bhadai and Aghani. Bhadai begins with mid- June with first rains. Basically it is rainy crops which include Sawa, mejhari, makai, urd, tilli and jonhari while Aghani yields are paddy, kondo, kurth, jetani. Rabi yields are wheat, barley channa, masur, peas, sarso and arhar.

Incomes are also generated through horti culture produce. Mangoes, guavas are owned mainly by the well off families. Of six orchards in the village, 3 are owned by the Bania families, 2 Manjhi, and one by the Thakur family. There are around 500 Mahua trees in village owned by the Brahman, Thakur and tribal groups.

Animal wealth includes cattle, goats, and chicken. In 1956 the study group counted 244 cows, 317 oxen, 40 buffalos, 146 birds and 7 horses. Earlier Chamar had pigs but now they have given up rearing pigs in Chitaura.

Material culture: Houses are made of bricks, tiles and mud depending upon the economic status of the groups. Tribal women are fond of silver and metal ornaments. Unlike Hindu castes of Chitaura tribals are fond of drinking homemade liquor. Their agriculture implements include plow, axe, and levelers. There was only one bullock cart in the village. Household items include cots, mats, some aluminum and earthen pots. In 1955 only one pair of bullock cart was owned by a Thakur family. Tribal groups are mainly depended on manual labour. During agricultural seasons plows are borrowed from the who owned them. For this a nominal price in the form of grains are paid to the owners.

Chapter 4: Arrival of Mahajan (Moneylenders) and Rise of Indebtedness

During the time of study almost all tribal groups were in the grip of Mahajan (Bania community) who had provided them cash and grains on heavy interest. The Mahajan families are scattered over Duddhi. Initially they came from neighboring regions and treated the locals as friends. Gradually they started giving them loans in the form of cash and grains. During marriage some families are in need of cash which they instantly get after paying heavy interest. Illiterate debtors did know fatal consequences of getting loans from them. The ethnographer has presented a number of case studies how interests are realized from the poor illiterate tribals over the years. The point noted here that these Mahajans do no charge heavy interest from literate families. As a result, a good amount of land of illiterates has been transferred in favor of Mahajan and higher caste families.

Chapter 5 Leadership Pattern in the Village

In the village Jati or caste panchayat is predominant. Each caste has its own pattern in formation and structure of decision making process. For example, Panika has one head while Chamar has a council of 4 members committee. The common underlying all Jati panchayat is the same-to check upon caste/tribe norm, illicit relations, theft and family disputes over the property. In some cases, a Jati panchayat, as with the case of Chamar, jurisdiction extends over 8 villages. As a rule, each village has its own Panchayat but if required two or more villages could be included. The headship of jati panchayat is hereditary. It is to be noted that at local level decision making process the higher caste families are not oriented toward Jati panchayat. Brahman and Thakur have no jati panchayat.

With the enactment of U P Panchayti Raj act in 1953, Village Council (Gram Sabha) was formed on the basis of number of persons residing in the village. If a village has one thousand or more population a council may be formed; otherwise two or more villages are included forming one Gram Sabha.

Adalti Panchayat came into force from 1954. Usually 3-4 Gram Sabha are under one Adalti panchayat. Presently Chittaura comes under Duddhi Adalti Panchayati. The main function of the Adalti Panchayat is to decide the cases sent by Gram Sabha. It can fine up to Rs.100/- It disposes of the cases related to family property inter caste/tribe disputes over land. However, few cases related to the tribal families are reported to the Adalti Panchayat.

Chapter 6 Village Leadership Pattern

Prior to enactment of United Province Zamindari Abolition Act (1946), Nanhku Manjhi (a Gond tribal) was the Sarpudar or village head. Throughout his life he   maintained a healthy relationship with the inhabitants of Chitaura while collecting taxes and decision making process. After his death in 1900 a non-tribal became the leader. Since then Chitaura has become a place of caste rivalry and group interest. By this time a number of high caste families had been settled in the village such as Chaube and Mishra families. Later on Thakur came into fore front of village politics. Sarwadaman Singh enjoyied the post of Sarpurdar till 1952. However, even after abolition of zamindari system he remained as a powerful leader in the village. A number of case studies cited in the book clearly indicate how Chitaura village gradually lost its tribal characters in decision making process. This usually happens with a fringe village since it is opened in all corners. For outsiders it became a profitable place. Tribal communities by nature never stood against them.

Chapter 7: Inter -caste Relations

As was noted above there were five tribal communities and 11 caste communities in Chitaura. A chart showing tribe-castes social position in the village may be prepared in terms of participation of their participation in rituals, acceptance of food and drink and gesture of respect. These sixteen communities form three layers in terms of their social position in the village as shown below:

Higher level       Brahman

Thakur

Middle level       Kalwar and Agrahari (Mahajan, Bania in popular terms)

Lohar, Ahir, Kewat

Kumarh, Teli

Kherwar

Chero

Manhi

Panika and Pasi

Lower level       Chamar

Bhuiyan

Inter communities relations are at different level. Brahman, for example, are invited to perform the rituals at the time of birth and marriage by all except Chero, Manjhi, Chamar and Bhuiyan. It is important to note that death rites of all tribal communities are not performed by the Brahmans of village. The minimum degree of participation of Brahmans is with Chamar and Bhiuyan. In general, the interaction pattern among the Hindu caste communities are almost the same as found in elsewhere in northern plain villages. In Chitaura higher and middle level Hindu castes do not accept food from the tribal communities. However, drink is accepted from Chero and Manjhi. Now a day this social distance has been relaxed due to external forces such as education and jobs. In Panchayat no social distance is observed. A Chamar need not required to pay respect to Chamar in Panchayat meeting. In school no social distance is found between caste and tribe, or between higher and lower castes.

Artisan communities have important role in strengthening socio-economic relations among the various communities. For example, Kumarh supply earthen wares to all groups. Same is the case with Lohar and Teli. All caste groups invite Chero (Baiga) whenever agriculture operation begins ends. Marginal and landless communities often work in agricultural fields of economically well off families. Inter-caste/tribal economic co-operation is a must in Chitaura.

Chapter 8 is about the kinship and marriage pattern in Chaitaura. Here our interest is to know more about marriage system of the tribal communities of the village. Tribal groups are endogamous and practice clan exogamy. The powerful tribal group in the village is Manjhi (Gond). Two forms of marriage are followed by Manjhi and other tribal groups- Biah and Sagai. The term Biah is used for marriage of a virgin girl while Sagai is called when widow and divorce female gets married second time. Marriage by bride price is commonly practiced. Exchange marriage is also permitted. Matrilateral cross cousins are preferred. However, Rajput, Thakur and Brahmaans do not practice cross cousin marriage.

Bride price (Badhu dhan) consists of cash (Rs 10 to 25) and utensils; in some cases ornaments, grains depending upon the economic situation of the groom family. Chero, manjhi and Panika have adopted Hindu marriage rituals. Dowry system is not practiced by the tribals of Duddhi.

The kinship terminologies of the tribals such as the manjhi, Chero and Panika have gone remarkably changed due to Hindi speaking caste communities. Aurat (wife), marad (husband), Brta, Beti, Pataohu (daughter in lawa), Sasur (father- in- law), Dada, Dadi, Nana, nani (Grand parents) Sas, Dewar, Bhabhi, Bhasur (Husband brother), Bua, Fufa, Mama, Mami , among others are frequently used as terms of address.

Chapter 9 Life Cycle Rituals

Birth, marriage and death: Tribal groups of the village do not consult the Brahmins at child birth. They, however, consult Baiga for naming a child. At the time of marriage Manjhi and Chero consult Brahmin for an appropriate day and time. Marriage is said to be completed after a communal feast. On the tenth day of a death in a family a simple ritual is performe. They hang a Nimboo (lemon) with sting in front of the deceased house. If the fruit falls then it is thought the dead person would reborn in the family. Among the Hindu castes life cycle rituals are performed elaborately in the presence of Brahman priest. On some occasion the latter are invited from the neighboring villages across the district boundary.

Chapter: 10. Religious Beliefs and Customs

A number of religious celebrations are prevalent in Duddhi, especially among the Hindu Castes. Tribal groups are however restricted to their magico beliefs under the supervision of Baiga. They believe in existence of spirits of dead ancestors and worship them on appropriate time. They also worship village gods and sacrifice goats and chickens as directed by the Baiga. Omens are observed at the time of marriage.

Chapter 11 Directed Changes

In 1953 Community Development programs were introduced in 90 villages of Duddhi. Chitaura was one of them. Twelve Projects head quarters were established in the area. Each center supervised 7 to 10 villages. Chitaura was a center of trade from very beginning. It had primary and middle level schools. After 1955 High schools were opened. Soon Duddhi became a large trading center. It is well connected by metal and non- metal roads. Both men and women of Duddhi and other areas contributed labor force to development works. Constructions of small bridge, water reservoir, drinking wells, roads, were constructed during the First Five Year Plan. During 1954-55 Kisan Mela, Social Service Center, Mangal Dal, Bhajan Mandali, adult education centre, women group, training centers for youths, Female tailoring centre, Health centers with missionary mid-wife facility and Cooperative centers were established. In order to protect and enrich animal wealth a breeding center along with agricultural training was also opened in Duddhi. The result was the entire landscape of Duddhi transformed into a rur-urbanized complex. It goes without saying that higher caste communities were much benefitted by welfare programs. Tribals of Duddhi, however, had a handful share. The fruits of development were enjoyed by the educated Hindu castes. During 1956-58 a couple of NGOs became active in the field of education and health. It is only by their efforts that some tribal girls and boys of remote villages (Manjhi, Gond and Chero) got inclined toward modern education. They were given facilities in the form of accommodation and food.

Because of its geomorphic characteristics Duddhi over the period of fifty years became a focal point of systematic trans- culturaltion. Traders of neighboring states/districts opened profitable business in Duddhi. Tribal groups have lost their original identity accepting new challenges of live along with Hindu communities.

(Note: District Sonbhadra came into existence in 1989 carved out from Mirzapur district. It is under Mirzapur division. It lies in the south east of the state. It was created vide Uttar Pradesh in 1989 by transferring whole tehsils of Robertsganj and Dudhi from Mirzapur district. Ghorawal tehsil came into existence after 1991 census, which was carved out from parts Robertsganj tehsil vide U.P. The district com rises of three (3) tahsil namely Ghorawal, Robertsganj and Dudhi with Robertsganj as a district Headquarters. There are eight (8) Vikas Khands namely Ghorawal, Robertsganj, Chatra, Nagwa, Chopan, Dudhi, Myorpur and Babhani located in the district. Out of the total fourteen (14) towns in the district, six (6) are treated as census towns in 2001 census, these are Parsi, Anpara, Jamshila, Khariya, Kota and Bijpur, remaining eight (8) towns namely Ghorawal, Robertsganj, Churk, Ghurma, Chopan, Obra, Dudhi, Renukoot and Pipri are statutory towns with one Nagar Palika Parishad and seven Nagar Panchayats. There are sixty six (66) Nyaypanchayats, 479 Gram Sabhas, 1,424 revenue villages in which 1,363 are inhabited villages and 61 uninhabited villages in the district. In the revenue villages there are 12 forest villages out of which 8 are uninhabited.

In the census of 2011 Sonbhadra had 18.63 lakh population distributed in 1363 villages and 14 towns. Nine groups of scheduled tribes (Gond, Chero, Baiga, Kherwar, Panika, Bhuiya, Nagesia, Patari and Parahiya) constituted 375,415 or 31.60% of the total population. U.P. Welfare Department in collaboration with the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Govt of India has undertaken a massive development plan for the tribal communities of Sonbhadra (Source: A R N Srivastava, Rethinking Development Policy, Sonbhadara,2012).

Presently five tribal communities are declared as scheduled tribes of Sonbhadra district. Previously they were listed in category of scheduled castes. Sonbhadara is the only district of Uttar Pradesh which has 37 % tribal population).

Monograph-2

The Himalayan Polyandry: Structure, Functioning and Culture Change, A field study of Jaunsar-Bawar, By D N Majumdar, (Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1962).

The Background:

Jaunsar-Bawar in Dehra Dun district (now in Uttrakhand) attracted a number of scolars on account of its existence of fraternal polyandry. Although Dr Majumdar used to visit this area right from 1937 it was his Himalayan Polyandry which made him famous in 1962. It was a product of hard work of his team and his experience spread over more than 20 years in the area. This monograph is marked by methodological sophistication and rich ethnographic data.

During the year 1955-57 Professor Majumadar and his research team of Lucknow University undertook a field based study of the Jaunsari of Dehradun; more specifically in Jaunsar-Bawar region of north- western corner of undivided Uttar Pradesh (presently this region comes under the state of Uttrakhand). The aim of the monograph was to highlight socio-cultural life style of a cis-Himlayan community famous for its marital practice of fraternal polyandry that is custom of male siblings sharing a common wife.

Contents of Himalayan Polyandry

The first part is based on literary and historical sources; the second part embodies ethnographic details of Jaunsari with special stress on their social, economy, political and religious life. The third part describes the role and impact of Community Development Projects on Jaunsari culture. This is a landmark in anthropological monographic work on the subject of polyandry in India. Briefly the ethnographic account will be presented here

Jaunsari Habitat

Jaunsar-Bawar lies in the cis-Himalayas located at the north-western corner of undivided Uttar Pradesh. It forms northern part of Dehra Dun district. The hillay and forest track of Jaunsar Bawar is roughly oval in shape. Its bordering parts join Himachal Pradesh and districts of Dehradun, Tehri Garhwal. Jansar Bawar forms two constituent parts- Jainsar and Bawar. It is called Jaunsar Bawar Paragnas in administrative terms. Chakrata is the revenue circle and has two Blocks Chakrata and Kalsi. It ecology including animals and birds are of great importance among the inhabitants. The Jaunsari are a pastoral-agricultural people organized along the line of Hindu caste system to be described shortly.

Who are Jaunsari?   Popularly Jaunsari are called Hill people or Pahari. But Pahari are of many types.

The term Khasa or Khas is also used for Jaunsari.

The study was done specifically in three villages, viz. Lohari, Baila and Lakhamandal carefully selected on the basis of traits of acculturation. Lohari contained 57 families (369 persons), Baila 60 (390) and Lakhamandal had 43 (202) during study period in 1957. Sex ratio in Jaunsar Bawar in 1951 was 790 females per 1000 males. There was no trace of female infanticide, however. Probably shortage of females may be one of the reason behind the custom of fraternal polyandry among the Jaunsari. The study revealed chief cause being economy for Jaunsari avoid division in the family estates.

Village Settlement and House Type

Villages in this region are located in open parts of slopes half way up the hills. Terraced plots are close to their settlements. Uphill located village is called Dhar. There are hamlets located much lower down in slope in deep gorge. This gives a look of colony. Here lower caste communities reside. Upper hill villages are exclusively for Brahman and Rajput castes.

It has been indicated above that traditional Jaunsari follow polyandry. Therefore, their houses are built in such a way to accommodate extended families. Multi- storey houses are in almost all settlements visited. These are made up of partly stone and Deodar wood. It looks like apartment. Local terminologies employed for different types of structures are Dobra (basement), Ohra (above the basement), Buar (top most decorated room) and so on

Dresses and Ornaments

Jaunsari are fond of colourful dresses and ornamentation. They are held as the best dressed people among the Himalayan communities. Dresses vary from the season to season. Thus in the winter Big sized coat (chola) locally made by the weaver/tailor is used. Chooridar payjama (Jhangel), safa (turban), snow shoes are commonly seen. During the summer Shirt, Jhangel, shoes are used. Children wear chora and shirt and woollen Jhangel.

Joda: This is a special type of dress used during the celebration and dancing. It is white long shirt the dress covering the entire body. Women have also celebration dresses. A lot of ornaments of various colours are worn by them. Jaunsari women have great fascination for ornaments. Gold, silver, nose ring, bangles are a must or an adult woman. However, low caste people rarely afford to these things.

Women dress consists of Ghaghra, Kurti, Jali (handewrchief covering head, and of course woollen coat called Khilka. Unmarriaed women invariably wear Kamij-Salwar during summer and woollen top (Khilka) covering neck to toe during the winter.

But not- with- standing they have at least nose ring and one necklace. Men too wear earrings but only during the festive occasions.

Food, Drink and Smoke: This is the area where there is not so much variation among the Jaunsari. Both high and low castes community including the Kolta takes coarse grain in the morning and wheat flour in the evening. Meat is not regularly consumed except during the celebration. However, a glass of wine is a must.

Social Organization of the Jaunsari

Jaunsari display Hindu caste features. Village structure is caste like structure. In the hierarchy first order is of Braman and Rajput, in the middle there are a number of artisan communities such as Badhai, Sunar, Lohar, Bajgi, etc. They are in lesser number. At the bottom there is low (untouchable) caste, known as the Kolta. Two sections of Kolta are seen: Dom and Mochi. They are in tune with Hindu pure and impure feelings.

A Jaunsari family or household is patrilocal (after marriage the couple resides with husband’s father household) and patrilineal (name and succession in male line). The household, like the Hindu caste is joint in structure and organization because of practice of fraternal polyandry. All brothers live together and share a single (common) wife. The senior brother is the head of the household. He is a sociological father of all children. Jaunsari also practice polygyny especially when younger brothers work outside. In that case when they visit original house the elders do not cohabit younger brother’s partners. It is in this sense Jaunsari are practicing both polyandry and polygyny, i.e. plygyandry, a term coined by D N Majumdar.

The backbones of Jaunsari villages

The Jaunsari had /have systems of Khumri and Sayana. These must be well understood as they still regulate the development works going on in the region. Knowledge of village organization requires a proper consideration of two local terms Khumri and Sayana. The Khumri is a territorial unit. Like a Panchayat in the plains, khumri is a village council which meets to settle the local disputes, and to discuss about the matter of common interest. It is a decision making body. It is organized on the basis of territory, caste and kinship. It is the oldest territorial unit in the Jaunsar Bawar region. We need not go in details of its origin. Traditionally, it was organized at the depending on the strength of the caste and kinship affiliation. They are:

1.  Village level,

2.  Inter village,

3.  Khat,

4.  Inter Khat and

5.  All Jaunsar Bawar level

Presently Khumri has lost its original form. According to the people, village or khat level are still practiced. Inter village Khumari may be held when occasion arises. When Inter village khumari fails to reach a decision the matter is decided at Khat or Inter Khat level. Khumari at all Jaunsari level is rarely organized because of disappearance of Chanutras (see below).

Caste Hierarchy

According to the people, caste hierarchy (Hindu jati) is more important than the economic hierarchy, namely rich, intermediate and poor classes. The former is closed system while the latter is opened one. We get a three tier structure of the Jaunsari as noted below:

a.       On the top, there is a dominating group of high castes of Brahmins and Khasa (Rajputs),

b.     In the middle there are a number of professional castes such as Badi, Sunar, Bagdi, Lohar, Bajgi, etc. Their nomen clature varies in Jaunsari region.

c.       At the bottom, there is a low caste which includes Kolta in general and in some places Dom, Mochi, etc.

Both Brahmins and Rajputs generally have much the same position in the village- economically and socially. Both are a dominating group in the village community. The local people frequently address the village as a Brahmin village or a Rajput or Khasa village depending upon the situation which caste first occupied the area. For example, Lakhmmandal is a Brahmin village while Lohari and Baila are Rajput village. Because of their religious duties the Brahamins enjoy a higher position in the hierarchy. However, both are non vegetarians. According to local legend, Rajput warriors along with their Purohit (Brahmins) came first on the Jaunsar Bawar hills; so both are equal.

Jaunsari are not very clear about the hierarchy of intermediate castes. But usually Badi and Sunar are higher or superior to Lohar.

Badi are traditionally carpenters and masons; Sunar are the goldsmiths; Jogra and Nath are professionally engage as guides to pilgrims to Hindu shrines like Kashi, Badrinath, Kedarnath, Haridwar. They also serve the local people in the role of Maha Brahmin (those who received gifts at funeral). Jaunsari say that Jogra or Nath are good medicine men and healers. What important is that they are in lesser number and found in some villages only.

Intermediate castes are traditionally craftsmen but also possess some agricultural land.

Bajgi are professional drummers, barbers and tailors. Though they are in minority in the village but their services are required by every one be it a birth, marriage, festival and worship in a temple. They occupy the bottom position to the intermediate group of castes.

The Lower caste group: This section is formed by the Koltas they are landless labourers and serfs. They are invariably found in entire Jaunsari regions. They work as agro-labourer to landlords (Brahmins and Rajputs); in addition, they serve the people by playing the role of messengers, skinners of dead animals, removal of dead bodies, leather workers, weavers of carpet and makers of shoes. Chamar, Mochi and Dom are endogamous groups. Tohigher Jaunsari they are Harijan that is untouchables.

Inter caste relationship

Among the Jaunsari the caste hierarchy is not as rigid as seen in other Hindu caste villages of the plain areas. Inter marriage between Rajput and Brahmin castes is allowed though the cases are not very many. Jaunsari have accepted that in the past as well as present the Badi and Sunar frequently intermarry. However, among others inter-groups marital alliance is not permitted. Economic inter – dependence among the all castes are clearly visible. Both Brahmins and Rajputs employ other castes’ services by making a suitable payment. We did not find Jajmani system as found in the olden time.

Family and Kinship relationship

The Family system: Jaunsari are a patrilineal community. They practice patrilocal marriage rule. Among the two high castes (Brahmin and Rajput), traditionally joint family system is a norm. Since they practice polyandry therefore all the brothers become the husbands of a bride. The eldest brother actually marries and the remaining brothers are considered as married to that bride even though they are immature sexually. The Jaunsari (Brahmin and Rajput) also permit polygyny. That is, a brother may marry with another girl. In such cases all females live together and they help each other in household works. At any rate, the eldest brother is the manager of the joint family. He is the social father of all the children be it of senior or junior spouse. He controls over the family property and also over conjugal and marriage relations.

Traditionally, the eldest brother marries the second girl. In principle and practice, all the brothers regardless of age, form an inseparable group as the fraternal husbands in the name of the eldest brother. The wife or wives join the union individually, one after another. This form of marriage is termed by D N Majumadar as Polygyandry or polyandrous household/family. This the most important feature among the Jaunsari not seen among other polyandrous communities.

The head of the family (the eldest brother) is called Sayana. He is the social father of the children borne by the polyandrous unions. When a brother is of under age, the Sayana (the eldest brother) marries another woman upon the maturity of the younger brother and the latter becomes her husband. The eldest brother has of course authority over this spouse but he or other brothers do not cohabit with her. This is the beauty of the Jaunsari polygyandry system.

The eldest wife enjoys the status of Sayani. She takes care and manages domestic tasks among the women folk (remaining wives and unmarried sisters of the husbands). In a polyandrous family, children are loved by all brothers and mothers (real or steps). Confusion and conflicts do not occur over personal and conjugal relations among the brothers and wives, as the outsider may usually think of. Everything is systematic and well organized. The number of wife depends upon the economic situation of the family. At a time, even the wife directs her husband to marry another woman so that she could get a good company as well as begetting more members in the family.

Forms of Marriage and Types of Family

Technically, there are three forms of marriage: Monogamous, polygamous and polygyandrous. In case there is only one son in the family the marriage results as union of one man and one wife that are monogamous if there are two or more sons the marriage is of fraternal polyandrous type, that is all brothers are husbands of a single woman. When family economic situation is well off one of the brothers may marry a woman. The resultant form is polygyandry. That is mixture of polyandry and polygyny.

It may not be out of place to note the findings of D N Majumdar’s study of the Jaunsari were of early sixty. He found the cases of polyandry among the senior generations of Rajput and Brahmin families.

Jaunsari perspectives on marriage

The Jaunsari Brahmin and Rajput castes are not strictly endogamous, so is the case with remaining lower castes. Within these endogamous groups marital unions between the same lineage (Aal and Bhera) are permitted though not always preferred. However, a lineage (Biradari) always remains exogamous unit.

According to the Jaunsari, traditional marriage is of two types: Phere ka biyah (Hindu form) and Jaunsari biyah. In both forms groom’s father approaches bride’s parents No dowry is permitted, but a few gifts are presented to the groom.

Kinship Category

Dhyanti and Ryanti: These two local terms denote the kinship status of Jaunsari women. Dhyanti is referred to those females (daughters) who remain in natal (father) residence. After marriage the daughter becomes Ryanti in husband locality. A Dhyanti whether unmarried or married always enjoys full freedom at her father residence. An unmarried daughter (Dhyanti) helps her mother and sister-in-law (brother’s wife) in household works. But she is permitted to mix with her peer group of the locality. After marriage when she visits her natal village she continues enjoying those privileges. She participates in all social and religious festivals without any restrictions. This is one of the reasons that married daughters often like to visit their natal villages. This allows them to have intimate relations with their previous peer fellow. Now they are not the members of father’s lineage. They do not get any share in father property either. A Dhyanti is always a dhyanti no matter what her age and seniority are.

Thus the social position of the women changes after marriage. Upon marriage now the Dhyanti is regarded as Ryanti (woman of her father in law or husband household). Here a number of restrictions are imposed on her. Junior Ryanti in particular takes utmost care not to mix with husbands friends.

The Village Organization: Sayana and Khumri

The Chauntras: During the British rule over the territory, the four most influencing persons (top ranking Sayanas) were treated as a conclave (chauntra). They were responsible of collection of revenues. But now days the institution of Chauntras has become totally obsolete. It is the

Khumri at the village level that is important. With the introduction of Panchayti system Gram Sabha and Nyay Panchayat are organized at the Inter-khumri level.

Functions of the Kumri in association with Sayanas

Khumris tackle both criminal and civil offenses. Criminal cases involve theft, sexual offenses, with craft and poising and some time caste disputes. The civil matters involving cases of disputes over land, pasture, marriage and divorce. The punishments imposed by the khumris are in the form of fine, and social boycott. Previously the offenders were beaten. Adultery committed by a lower caste man with a high caste Ryantis (daughters) were considered very serious. Severe beating the culprits (both sexes), even deforming male organs were prevalent in olden times. Now a day these are reported to local Police thana. Involvement of Jaunsari with non- Jaunsari are too taken as serious matter and settled by the Khumari. The Jaunsari Ryantis are asked to get married with those persons. Such cases are, however, very few.

Modern Panchayat system

The Panchayati Raj system was introduced in 1956. Of three units of Village Panchayat, only two are functioning in the Jaunsari regions, viz. Gram Sabha and Nyay (Adalti) Panchayat. The Gram Panchayat is the executive body elected by the villagers. This is functioning in the name of Gram Sabha. Presently there are about 60 Gram Sabha and 16 Nyay Panchayat in the entire region of Jaunsar Bawar. Each Gram Sabha was structured around two or more surrounding villages. Its population varies from 1000 to 1500 souls. The villagers take optimum care not to disturb the Khumri and Sayana system.

Development vis-a vis Khumri Panchayat

The Jaunsari find disparity in the modern system. Many problems are of intra village level, that is, involvement of neighbouring villages. Panchayat is structured along the line of population and combining two or more villages. Now government created multi village system can solve the problems arising within the village. People are unable to understand this. Further, in the case of Gram Sabha the funds are collected from all the villages within its jurisdiction. If Gram Sabha proposes to construct a Panchayat Ghar in a village but the people of other villagers object to it. This hampers the development works. However, the govt. officials take in confidence the views of Sayanas of the Khumri, and ultimately a solution is sought out.

In the old system divine witness was required. The Jaunsari have great faith in Mahausa Devta to be the supreme. Judicial cases begin with an oath taking ceremony in the name of the Divine deity. This is not followed in the modern system of Adalti Panchayat. Further, the geo physical conditions of the region hampers frequent visits of the people from one village to another to file the cases. It becomes more problems if cases are related to high caste women. This is the reason that more cases are brought before the village Khumari or at Khat level. A Khumri meeting does not require signature on the stamped paper where as Adalti Panchayat cannot entertain the cases without stamped paper with signature be it thumb impression of the applicant (plaintiff). The Koltas though welcome the new system because of their least involvement in the Khumri. The Jaunsari accept that due to the corruptions in the new system they are against to it. Some of the Sayanas even take bribes in the form of money and liquor. Conflicts between two Sayanas usually start due to this malpractice. Therefore, the popularity of the Khumri cannot be minimized.

It is a good sign on the part of the government to carry on all development projects such as education, vocational training, women empowerment, hospital facilities, etc in accordance with local need and with support of Khumri.

Life Cycle Ritual

Life cycle rituals are the transitional phases of an individual which start at some point in time and keep moving towards an end. The Jaunsari also observe the three life cycle rituals in elaborate manners. They are as follow:

Birth rite

This includes a series of accepted behaviour for expectant mother, her consanguine and affine observances relating to birth and to the new born baby. Associated rituals are believed to protect the new born baby and mother from all evils. When delivery takes place its time is very important. It is carefully noted. Usually the timing is associated with early and late morning or early day, evening and night depending on the situation and location. Now a day a time clock is used, but by no means by all. The time of delivery is reported to the Pandit of the village who prepares horoscope, etc. On the third day the mother and the infant are taken out in the sun. On the fifth day a name is given to the child. Usually a Pandit suggests the name. On the birth of the first son, a goat is sacrificed; daan or alms is offered to the bajgi (drummer) and the Pandit. The former plays drum while the latter chants mantras. They call this badhai bajana. In case of a female these observances are minimized. Janusari, unlike the Plain Hindus, do not exhibit gender preferences.

The traditional method of preparing horoscope is sancha practiced by an expert. He tells whether the baby is lucky or unlucky. If found inauspicious, he advises that maternal uncle be invited to offer the baby a copper bracelet. This should be completed on the eighth day of the birth. The family deities are worshipped. Some prohibitions for food, drink, etc are also observed.

Marriage rite

Every known society has some social or religious customs to celebrate the union of man and woman, called marriage. Jaunsari too have elaborate customs different from the Plain region of Dehradun. As was pointed out earlier Jaunsari have polyandrous system of marriage whereby elder brother undergoes marriage ceremonies and all of his brothers become husbands of that woman. Now it has been fading out fast but still sporadic cases are reported.

Whatever may be recent deviation from the traditional practice, there is certain procedure which must be followed. It is the father of the groom who proposes for matrimonial relation with the father of the bride. The prospective groom with father visits the bride’s parents. They are happily welcomed in the girl’s household with food and drink. On the acceptance of the proposal one rupee coin is given by the boy’s father to the girl’s father amidst other members. This is called jeodhan. Now the proposal is finally sealed. In case of a polyandrous marriage, the girl’s consent is a must. In very rare cases this is refused. Some of the educated girls now refuse such proposal. An auspicious date of marriage is fixed by consulting Pandit.

The Death rite

Although a death is personal in its focus, it has its social consequences. All prehistoric and historic societies had have some patterns of dealing with death of their members. It is a loss to the family and group as a whole so the same is remembered. Jaunsari too have traditional way of disposing of the dead body. It is held that the performances of the death rites bolster the solidarity of the group.

Taboos associated with mourning period: Certain food item such as urad dal, oil, meat, fishes are avoided. All members of the family and sometime all members of the village abstain from visiting temples, etc. Jaunsari hold that the period of pollution is observed for 21 days and even extended to three months until the chief mourner gets puja done at Haridwar.

Jaunsari Magico-Religious Beliefs

The Jaunsari religion is a mixture of elements of tribal and Hindu religious belief systems. Their pantheon is flooded with gods and goddesses both paramount and minor. The paramount cults have influence over the entire region. The minor cults are confined to neighborhood or to individual villages.

The paramount cults include those of Mahasu, Shilgur and Bijat. The Mahasu is a male deity is identified as Mahashiva or incarnation of the Hindu God Shiva. The Jaunsari worship Mahasur at sunrise and He is remembered and addressed first in every rituals and sacrifices.

Mahasu, the Supreme Being, is followed by Shilgur and Bijat almost equal in rank to him. They are also considered as manifestation of Lord Shiva. Closely following them are numerous deities who are subordinate or inferior in hierarchy of gods and goddesses. They include Kali, Durga, Thari and Matri. The cults of Kursi, Puneesar, Bhoot, Kailu are lower in hierarchy.

Fairs and Festivals

Festivals and fairs present a meeting ground of communal harmony; they represent socio- cultural solidarity.

Festivals are occasions that reinforce the presence of God. Drinking, eating, dancing and singing all are intimately related to these events. These people dance with frantic gesticulations to the tune of drum beats as if they are possessed by the supernatural powers in a state of trance. Jaunsari posses magnificent musical instruments to be presented later on under material culture.

Fairs are characterized by the social, economic and religious congregations but with tinge of economic implications. Traders from remote and neighboring areas set their shops of various domestic items, clothes, musical and, utensils and various kinds of kitchen masala (spices) in these fairs. Some of the important festivals are Magh, Jaagra, Gogaar, Diwai (diwali) and Dussehra. These are celebrated all

over the regions. Regional variations are with Jaatar, Kimauna, etc. are celebrated locally. Bissu, Shahid Kesari chand mela is great importance in this region.

Magh is the biggest festival in the region locally known as Tiyar, Pus tiyar, Bakra Tiyar. It is celebrated in Push (winter months January-February). The entire activities are oriented toward Supreme deity, Mahasu.

Holi is celebrated in those villages which are much acculturated.

Bissu festival is in the honor of agriculture. It is celebrated for five days during April in all khatand villages. isplayed in the houses.

Jattar is celebrated in the month of rainy season. This is the occasion to honor village deity.

Gogaar is celebrated in the honor of Pir Baba or Goga pir. Usually the Kolta celebrate this festival.

Jaagra is observed in honor of Mahasu deota it falls on Amauysa of Bhado month (August-September).

Keemauna: All Jaunsari villages celebrate Keemauna. A special type of keem (drink) is prepared and consumed.Varieties of forest products (herbs, plants, fruits) are collected and used in preparing bread or round loafs and drink.

Dassehra:  Locally it is called Paynta or Panchoi. It is like the festival of plain dwellers Hindu people. On the tracks of hilly Jaunsar Bawar this is celebrated in a little different way.

Diwali festival arrives at last in the annual cycle of the year. It is celebrated in the name of Mahasu. Though its date proximates to Hindu calendar (Kartik month Krishna paksha amauyaaasa) it is celebrated after a month of Dewali. It is called hill duwali or Buddhi dewali.

The Changing Canvass

Jaunsari society is a continuation of past, its continuity is maintained in the midst of change. It is through the culture contact and communication that changes are brought about in a society. Frequent contact of Jaunsari with the Plain cultures has increased the degree and direction of change. Since independence democratization has geared the Pahari people. The loss of old values results in the adoption of new ones. They are spread of education and job opportunities, or better termed as Government’s intervention in the development of Jaunsari community. With the construction of roads, transport facilities, Establishment of educational health, vocational training centers the Jaunsari are now coming close to the external responses. A couple of traditional Jaunsari settlements transformed into small kasba.

Interesting facts

1)  S. C. Roy was named as father of Indian ethnology by J.S. Hutton (text 2.1.).

2) The beginnings of anthropology are marred with misinformed ideas on tribes being ‘primitive’ as a corollary to Darwin’s theory of evolution (social Darwinism) where all the different ‘races’ are placed along a ladder of progress. As was obvious, European society was placed as highest evolved stage in evolution of humankind and most tribes labelled as least evolved and thus, inferior and savage. This assertion was criticized and rightly dis credited in post-colonial intellectual paradigms (text 2.1.).

3) Interestingly, ‘race’ formed a major chunk of enquiry in earliest tribal monographs in India (and abroad) with some scholars even trying to link ‘brain capacity’ with race. A number of racial classifications were propounded which were later debunked as un- scientific (text 2.1.).

4) Verrier Elwin was hailed as one of the greatest gifts of Britain to India. Despite coming to India as missionary, he ‘went native’ with the tribes and produced some of most beautiful monographs. He contributed most heavily to the subject matter bringing it to the centre stage in policy making during the times of Prime Minister ship of Pt. Nehru (text 2.2.).

5) British tradition of anthropology has had most profound impact on early anthropology (and sociology) in India. Most of the early monographs distinctly showed leanings to British paradigms of functionalism and structure functionalism, which can be somewhat felt to this date! (text 2.1. & 2.2.)

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